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Full text of "Papers on inter-racial problems, communicated to the first Universal Races Congress, held at the University of London, July 26-29, 1911"

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[/ English only] 




JULY 26 TO 29, 1911 










JULY 26-29, 1911 










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C<?/ ouvrage est public simultaniment en franfats 
et en anglais par MESSRS. P. S. KING & SON. 



THE object of the Congress is "to discuss, in the light of 
science and the modern conscience, the general relations 
subsisting between the peoples of the West and those of 
the East, between so-called white and so-called coloured 
peoples, with a view to encouraging between them a fuller 
understanding, the most friendly feelings, and a heartier 

The writers of papers were requested to keep in view 
the spirit of this object ; but were otherwise not supplied 
with, or bound by, any instructions. Accordingly, it would 
have been natural to find the widest differences of opinion 
expressed in the following contributions. Singular to state, 
however, the writers coming literally from all parts of the 
circumference of the globe manifest a remarkable agree- 
ment on almost every vital problem with which the Congress 
is concerned, and support, as a whole, a view which must be 
very encouraging to those in every land who see a brother 
and an equal, at least potentially, in every human being, 
whatever the colour of his skin. In view of the eminent 
fitness of the writers to pronounce judgment on the issues 
involved in the contact of races, the Congress may be said to 
have effectively served both a scientific and a humanitarian 

^ purpose. Henceforth it should not be difficult to answer 
those who allege that their own race towers far above all 
other races, and that therefore other races must cheerfully 

;- submit to being treated, or mal-treated, as hewers of wood 
and drawers of water. The writers have, as it were, reduced 
to reasoned statements the generous sentiments prevailing 
on this subject among the most cultivated and responsible 
section of humanity, a section fairly represented in our 
imposing list of Vice-Presidents, Hon. Vice- Presidents, and 
Members of the Hon. General Committee. 

It was felt that in a Congress of this comprehensive 
character each people should speak for itself; and it is for 
this reason that every paper referring to an Oriental people 


will be found written by an eminent person belonging to it. 
Thus the Occidental reader of this volume has the unpre- 
cedented opportunity of learning what Oriental scholars 
think of the contact of races. It is to be hoped that at 
the Second Universal Races Congress a much larger number 
of the general and scientific papers will come from Oriental 

The particular opinions expressed by the writers in this 
volume are personal, and do not in any way commit the 
members of the Congress. The organisers adhere to their 
original statement that " whilst wholly sympathetic towards 
all far-sighted measures calculated to strengthen and promote 
good relations, the Congress is pledged to no political 
party and to no particular scheme of reforms." To this 
should be added, in order to prevent possible misunder- 
standings, that the contributors speak in their individual 
capacity, and not as official representatives. These neces- 
sary limitations, however, do not detract from the signifi- 
cance and importance of the contributions embodied in 
this volume. 

The Executive Council takes this opportunity of 
expressing its deep gratitude to the many writers of papers 
who have contributed to the value and success of the Con- 
gress by putting at its disposal their rich stores of knowledge 
and experience. It desires also to acknowledge the valuable 
services rendered by the translators, Mrs. Boyce Gibson and 
Mr. Joseph McCabe. And, last but not least, the Executive 
cannot forbear tendering its sincerest thanks to the Senate 
of the University of London for having generously granted 
the free use of halls and rooms for the meetings of the 


To those who regard the furtherance of International Good 
Will and Peace as the highest of all human interests, the 
occasion of the First Universal Races Congress opens a 
vista of almost boundless promise. 

No impartial student of history can deny that in the case 
of nearly all recorded wars, whatever the ostensible reasons 
assigned, the underlying cause of conflict has been the exist- 
ence of race antipathies using the word race in its broad 
and popular acceptation which particular circumstances, 
often in themselves of trivial moment, have fanned into 

In the earliest times it took the form of one race attempt- 
ing to subjugate and indeed enslave another ; but even in 
modern wars, while questions of frontier, the ambitions of 
rulers, or the rivalries of commercial policies, may have 
provoked the actual crisis, it will be found, in almost every 
instance, that the pre-existence of social and racial enmity 
has in reality determined the breach which particular inci- 
dents had merely precipitated. 

As civilisation progresses and the Western world more 
fully recognises its ethical responsibilities, it may be hoped 
that such influences will become an ever-diminishing force ; 
but the modern conscience has to-day, in addition, other and 
quite new problems to solve in face of the startling and 
sudden appearance of new factors in the Eastern Hemi- 

In less than twenty years we have witnessed the most 
remarkable awakening of nations long regarded as sunk 
in such depths of somnolence as to be only interesting 



to the Western world because they presented a wide and 
prolific field for commercial rivalries, often greedy, cruel, 
and fraught with bloodshed in their prosecution, but which 
otherwise were an almost negligible quantity in international 

How great is the change in the life-time of a single 
generation, when, to select two instances alone, we contem- 
plate the most remarkable rise of the power of the Empire 
of Japan, the precursor, it would seem, of a similar revival 
of the activities and highly developed qualities of the 
population of the great Empire of China ! 

Nearer and nearer we see approaching the day when the 
vast populations of the East will assert their claim to meet 
on terms of equality the nations of the West, when the free 
institutions and the organised forces of the one hemisphere 
will have their counterbalance in the other, when their 
mental outlook and their social aims will be in principle 
identical ; when, in short, the colour prejudice will have 
vanished and the so-called white races and the so-called 
coloured races shall no longer merely meet in the glowing 
periods of missionary exposition, but, in very fact, regard 
one another as in truth men and brothers. 

Are we ready for this change ? Have we duly considered 
all that it signifies, and have we tutored our minds and 
shaped our policy with a view of successfully meeting the 
coming flood ? It is in order to discuss this question of such 
supreme importance that the First Universal Races Congress 
is being held. The papers, so varied in their scope and 
treatment, which have been communicated by individuals of 
eminence from many distant lands, will testify to the world- 
wide interest which the examination of these grave problems 
has aroused, the wise handling of which would remove 
dangers and possible causes of strife which, but for skilled 
guidance, might conceivably convulse mankind. 









MEANING OF RACE, TRIBE, NATION. By Dr. Brajendranath Seal . i 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE. By Prof. Felix v. Luschan . 13 

Fouillee '***: '.-. ' V ' lj 'f ' . ' V 1 " ;< '; : '""''. * .- iAl '".' " u .- 24 

THE PROBLEM OF RACE EQUALITY. By G. Spiller '.'' '/*'-''* 29 



THE RATIONALE OF AUTONOMY. By John M. Robertson v'X-i'iix J 40 

DITIONS. By Prof. P. S. Reinsch -.* yt j v , . . , a . t;^i/ <i/j ,^i- 49 


By Prof. D. S. Margoliouth . ...'.'. . 57 


Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids and Mrs. Rhys Davids - (/ . ''{ '*'*' 62 


TO RAPID CHANGE. By Prof . Giuseppe Sergi . 3X<vi ;>,(<// ^ 


Prof. Charles S. Myers ->!>A. $ft>y. :J .a/r'Orfr.:.,.!-/! 73 






Margaret Noble) , . . 86 

INSTABILITY OF HUMAN TYPES. By Prof. Franz Boas . . . 99 





L. Lange . ..-. .,.'. .-.*,-. - t. IJ 3 

CHINA. By Dr. Wu Ting-Fang ' g^? ,'^-f ' * ^P^f '? ^ 123 

JAPAN. By Profs. Tongo Takebe and Teruaki Kobayashi /" t j^2 

SHINTOISM. By Prof. Genchi Kato 141 

TURKEY. See Appendix 

PERSIA. By Hadji Mirza Yahya 143 

THE BAHAI MOVEMENT. Letter to the Congress by 'Abdu'l Baha 

'Abbas .&;; ' .-inntt / .i../<T . *?* ";'' *54 

EAST AND WEST IN INDIA. By the Hon. G. K. Gokhale i: ..-.v. ,-,.,>- 157 

EGYPT. By Moh. Sourour Bey . . . , ^, ..,. : ;*- O j;--; *f>7 

GOVERNMENT OF HAITI. By General Legitime i: , i.^.iacoi'i r ?8 

HUNGARY. By Prof. Akos de Timon 184 


AND THE EAST. By Prof. Alexander Yastchenko . . . 195 


INVESTMENTS AND LOANS. By Prof. A. de Navratil . "* ' SrV 208 
WAGES AND IMMIGRATION. By Fred C. Croxton and W. Jett Lauck 211 


Ferdinand Ton nies . M/,V IV ! K/ > . - xi -.. ' 2 33 

OF THE WORLD. By Prof. H. La Fontaine . iv^^.iinv i 243 

David Lubin ... ., , / Tvi'i.*"ii<> ;-. -.w -,<;. . 4h ,,., i ,.- ; 254 
THE BATAK INSTITUTE AT LEYDEN. By Prof. A. W. Nieuwenhuis . 259 






THE JEWISH RACE. By Israel Zangwill . .: . * 268 

J > ? T.TTT.- 


Bruce 'yju"U'.r,'> 'T/> 1 Ui'/*Y; A'-\ ILlA'M.VV.i/SVl 2 79 

Sydney Olivier . '\ ". "% . '' V L V i '" . 293 

THE INFLUENCE OF MISSIONS. By Prof. Alfred Caldecott . . 302 
INDENTURED AND FORCED LABOUR. By the late the Right Hon. 

Sir Charles W. Dilke ._.',_ .' .' .' ^; J ^ K ; -. . 3I2 

Supplement, by Joseph Burtt, Matlock . ' J .' , ^ ' .' 323 







Harry H. Johnston . . . / .' : V ^ jr> . ie ^ 328 
THE WEST AFRICAN PROBLEM. By Dr. Mojola Agbebi . ^ 341 

W. E. B. DuBois . . . . . , , . . .348 

Dr. Frances Hoggan . --. ~~~i . -'* . . . . 364 
THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN. By Dr. Charles A. Eastman . 367 

de Lacerda 377 




RACES. By Baron d'Estournelles de Constant , ft .' . 383 




TRIBUNAL. By Prof. Walther Schucking ,.. v ., ^ . 387 
PERIODICAL PEACE CONFERENCES. By Jarousse de Sillac . . 409 




INTERNATIONAL LANGUAGE. By Dr. L. L. Zamenhof . , . , 425 


Dr. J. S. Mackenzie ..... ..., .. . ., 433 



Edwin D. Mead . ....... .- 443 



TURKEY. By Dr. Riza Tevfik . J . \".\ ' V V \d ' * 454 


INDEX . ..-; . , t . :> .'f'.. ' . r: \.., n vf".'-/* 47 8 




A CONGRESS dealing with the general relations subsisting between 
West and East will be held in London from July 26 to July 29, 
1911. So far as possible special treatment will be accorded to the 
problem of the contact of European with other developed types of 
civilisation, such as the Chinese, Japanese, Indian, Turkish, and 
Persian. The official Congress languages are to be English, French, 
German, and Italian ; but Oriental and other languages will not be 
rigidly excluded. The papers (which will be taken as read) are to 
appear, collected in volume form, both in an all-English and an all- 
French edition, about a month before the Congress opens, and 
among the contributors will be found eminent representatives of 
more than twenty civilisations. All schools of thought which 
sympathise with the Object of the Congress are hereby invited to 
take part in the proceedings. Resolutions of a political character 
will not be submitted. 


THE object of the Congress will be to discuss, in the light of science and 
the modern conscience, the general relations subsisting between the peoples 
of the West and those of the East, between so-called white and so- called 
coloured peoples, with a view to encouraging between them a fuller under- 
standing, the most friendly feelings, and a heartier co-operation. 
Political issues of the hour will be subordinated to this compre- 
hensive end, in the firm belief that, when once mutual respect is 
established, difficulties of every type will be sympathetically 
approached and readily solved. 

The origin of this Congress is easily explained. The interchange 
of material and other wealth between the different races of 
mankind has of late years assumed such dimensions that the old 
attitude of distrust and aloofness is giving way to a general desire for 
closer acquaintanceship. Out of this interesting situation has sprung 


the idea of holding a Congress where the representatives of the 
different races might meet each other face to face, and might, in 
friendly rivalry, further the cause of mutual trust and respect between 
Occident and Orient, between the so-called white peoples and the so- 
called coloured peoples. 

Accordingly the Congress will not represent a meeting of all the 
races for the purpose of discussing indiscriminately everybody's con- 
cerns. It will not discuss purely European questions, such as the 
relations existing between or within the different European countries ; 
nor, of course, will it discuss the attitude of Europe towards the 
United States, or towards other American Republics representing 
races of European descent. Again, whilst wholly sympathetic 
towards all far-sighted measures calculated to strengthen and pro- 
mote good relations, the Congress is pledged to no political party and to 
no particular scheme of reforms. The writers of papers will, however, 
have the full right to express whatever political views they may hold, 
though they will be expected to do justice to all political parties and 
to treat the issues of the day only passingly. Furthermore, the Con- 
gress will not be purely scientific in the sense of only stating facts and 
not passing judgments. Nor will it be a peace congress in the sense 
of aiming specifically at the prevention of war. Finally, it should be 
noted that, since the Congress is to serve the purpose of bringing 
about healthier relations between Occident and Orient, all bitterness 
towards parties, peoples, or governments will be avoided, without, of 
course, excluding reasoned praise and blame. With the problem 
simplified in this manner, and with a limited number of papers 
written by leading authorities, there is every hope that the dis- 
cussions will bear a rich harvest of good, and contribute materially 
towards encouraging friendly feelings and hearty co-operation 
between the peoples of the West and the East 


(Replies to any or all the questions should reach the Hon. Sec. 
not later than June 15, 1911.) 

I. (a} To what extent is it legitimate to argue from differences in 
physical characteristics to differences in mental characteristics ? () 
Do you consider that the physical and mental characteristics 
observable in a particular race are (i) permanent, (2) modifiable only 
through ages of environmental pressure, or (3) do you consider that 
marked changes in popular education, in public sentiment, and in 
environment generally, may, apart from intermarriage, materially 


transform physical and especially mental characteristics in a 
generation or two ? 

2. (a} To what extent does the status of a race at any particular 
moment of time offer an index to its innate or inherited capacities ? 
() Of what importance is it in this respect that civilisations are 
meteoric in nature, bursting out of obscurity only to plunge back 
into it, and how would you explain this ? 

3. (a) How would you combat the irreconcilable contentions 
prevalent among all the more important races of mankind that their 
customs, their civilisation, and their race are superior to those of other 
races ? () Would you, in explanation of existing differences, refer 
to special needs arising from peculiar geographical and economic 
conditions and to related divergences in national history ; and, in 
explanation of the attitude assumed, would you refer to intimacy 
with one's own customs leading psychologically to a love of them and 
unfamiliarity with others' customs tending to lead psychologically to 
dislike and contempt of these latter ? (c) Or what other explanation 
and arguments would you offer ? 

4. (a) What part do differences in economic, hygienic, moral, and 
educational standards play in estranging races which come in contact 
with each other? () Is the ordinary observer to be informed that 
these differences, like social differences generally, are in substance 
almost certainly due to passing social conditions and not to innate 
racial characteristics, and that the aim should be, as in social differences, 
to remove these rather than to accentuate them by regarding them 
as fixed ? 

5. (a) Is perhaps the deepest cause of race misunderstandings the 
tacit assumption that the present characteristics of a race are the 
expression of fixed and permanent racial characteristics ? () If so, 
could not anthropologists, sociologists, and scientific thinkers as a 
class, powerfully assist the movement for a juster appreciation of 
races by persistently pointing out in their lectures and in their works 
the fundamental fallacy involved in taking a static instead of a 
dynamic, a momentary instead of a historic, a local instead of a 
general, point of view of race characteristics ? (c~) And could such 
dynamic teaching be conveniently introduced into schools, more 
especially in the geography and history lessons ; also into colleges 
for the training of teachers, diplomats, colonial administrators, and 
missionaries ? 

6. (a) If you consider that the belief in racial superiority is not 
largely due, as is suggested by some of the above questions, to unen- 
lightened psychological repulsion and under-estimation of the 
dynamic or environmental factors, please state what, in your opinion, 
the chief factors are ? () Do you consider that there is fair proof, 


and if so what proof, of some races being substantially superior to 
others in inborn capacity, and in such case is the moral standard to 
be modified ? 

7. (A) What is your attitude towards the suggestion (a) that, so 
far at least as intellectual and moral aptitudes are concerned, we 
ought to speak of civilisations where we now speak of races ? (b} that 
the stage or form of the civilisation of a people has no connection with 
its special inborn physical characteristics ? (c) and that even its 
physical characteristics are to no small extent the direct result of the 
environment, physical and social, under which it is living at the 
moment? (B) To aid in clearing up the conceptions of race and 
civilisation, how would you define these? 

8. (a) Do you think that each race might with advantage study the 
customs and civilisations of other races, even those you think the 
lowliest ones, for the definite purpose of improving its own customs 
and civilisation ? (b} Do you think that unostentatious conduct 
generally and respect for the customs of other races, provided these 
are not morally objectionable, should be recommended to all who 
come in passing or permanent contact with members of other races ? 

9. (a) Do you know of any experiments on a considerable scale, 
past or present, showing the successful uplifting of relatively back- 
ward races by the application of purely humane methods ? (b} Do 
you know of any cases of colonisation or opening of a country achieved 
by the same methods? (c) If so, how far do you think could such 
methods be applied universally in our dealings with other races ? 

10. What proposals do you have (a) for the Congress effectively 
carrying out its object of encouraging better relations between East 
and West, and more particularly (b} for the formation of an associa- 
tion designed to promote inter-racial amity ? 



President : 

Viee-Ppesidents : 

The Right Honourable THE PRIME MINISTER 



The Right Hon. LORD AVEBURY 

The Right Honourable THE SPEAKER 


The Right Hon. JOHN BURNS, M.P. 

The Right Hon. HERBERT SAMUEL, M.P. 



The Very Reverend HERMANN ADLER 

General BOOTH 




The Rev. F. B. MEYER 





Chairman of Executive : 

Viee-Chairman of Executive : 

Chairman of Hon. General Committee : 

Prof. FELIX ADLER, New York 

Viee-Chairmen of Hon. General Committee : 

Prof. FELIX v. LUSCHAN, Berlin 

Sir EDWARD H. BUSK, London 


His Highness PRINCE DE CASSANO, Rome 

Director of Exhibition : 

Hon. Treasurer: 

Assistant Hon. Treasurer ; 

Hon. General Secretary : 
G. SPILLER, Esq., 63 South Hill Park, Hampstead, London 



Argentina W. V. O. DIARD, 253, Tucuari, Buenos Ayres. 

Belgique M. le Dr. E. WAXWEILER, Pare Leopold, Bruxelles. 

BrestiM. le Dr. EDGARD R. PINTO, Museu Nacional, Rio de Janeiro. 

Bulgarie M. le Prof. ISCHIRKOFF, ub. Aksacoff 9, Sofia. 

Central America M. DESIRE PECTOR, 51 rue de Clichy, Paris. 

Chili M. le Dr. A. ALVAREZ, Santiago. 

Costa Rica M. le THEODORO PICADO, San Josd. 

Deutschland Herr Prof. FERD. TONNIES, Eutin, Holstein. 

Egypt B. L. MOSELY, Esq., 5 Sharia Kasr-el-Nil, Cairo. 

Espafia M. le Prof. GASCON Y MARIN, Coso 5, Saragoza. 

Finland Herr Prof. RAFAEL KARSTEN, Die Universitat, Helsingfors. 

France M. JEAN FINOT, 45 rue Jacob, Paris. 

Grece Dr. S. C. ZAVITZIANOS, Corfou. 

India Mr. JEHANGIR B. PETIT, 7/10 Elphinstone Circle, Bombay. 

If alia Principe de CASSANO, Corso Umberto I. 440, Rome. 

Japan Prof. K. YOSHIDA, Hakusangatenmachi no, Tokyo. 

Magyarorssag Dir. F. KEMENY, Bulyovszky-utca 26, Budapest ; 
ARISTIDE DE DESSEWFFY, K^pviselohaz, Budapest. 

Mexico Sefior AGUSTIN ARAGON, 53 del Pino 215, Mexico. 

Nederland M. le Dr J. H. ABENDANON, Jan v. Nassaustr. 43, Den Haag. 

Oesterreich Herr WILHELM BORNER, I. Spiegelgasse 19, Wien. 

Pcrou M. le Prof. JOAQUIN CAPELO, Lima. 

Perse M. HADJI MIRZA YAHYA, T6he>an. 

Roumanie M. MARC-A. JEANJAQUET, Boulev. Carol 5, Bucarest. 

Serbie M. le Prof. NOVAKOVITCH, Universite", Belgrade. 

South Africa Rev. RAMSDEN BALMFORTH, Upper Camp Street, Cape 

United States Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, 20 Vesey Street, New York ; 

Rev. FREDERICK LYNCH, 13 E. i24th Street, New York. 

West Indies A. F. PALMER, Esq., Soufriere, St. Lucia. 



Vice-Chairman : SIR EDWARD BRABROOK, C.B. 

(The members of the Executive are drawn from all parties as befits a universal congress ; 
but the Executive as such does not stand or work for any party. ) 

The Rt. Hon. AMEER ALI, P.C., London. 

Prof. T. W. ARNOLD, M.A. (Arabic, U. of London). 

MIRZA ALI ABBAS BAIG, Member of Council of Secretary of State for India. 

J. ALLEN BAKER, M.P., London. 

HENRY BALFOUR, M.A., F.Z.S., Oxford, representing the African Society. 

THOMAS BATY, D.C.L., LL.D., London. 


Major SYED HASSAN BILGRAMI, I. M.S. (Retired), London. 

WILFRID SCAWEN BLUNT, Southwater, Sussex. 

OSCAR BROWNING, M.A., Senior Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. 

Prof. J. B. BURY (History, U. of Cambridge). 

Sir EDWARD H. BUSK, Chairman of Convocation and Past Vice-Chancellor of the 
University of London. 

Rev. Prof. A. CALDECOTT, D.D., D.Lit., representing the University of London. 

HOWARD D'EGVILLE, Barrister-at-Law, Secretary of the African Society, represent- 
ing the African Society. 


Dr. CHARLES GARNETT, M.A., B.D., London. 

Dr. M. CASTER, London, representing the Royal Asiatic Society. 

Prof. PATRICK GEDDES, F.R.S.E. (Botany, U. College of Dundee). 

JOHN GRAY, B.Sc., A.R.S.M., F.R.A.I., London (Hon. Assistant Treasurer). 

K. G. GUPTA, London, Member of Council of Secretary of State for India, 

Dr. B. GUTTMAN, Journalist, London. 

Prof. ALFRED C. HADDON, M.A., Sc.D., F.R.S. (Ethnology, U. of Cambridge). 

HALIL HALID, M.A. (Turkish, U. of Cambridge). 

Prof. LEONARD T. HOBHOUSE (Sociology, U. of London). 


Sir HARRY JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., Poling, representing the Royal Geo- 
graphical Society. 

T. A. JOYCE, M.A., London, Hon. Sec. Royal Anthropological Institute. 

ARTHUR F. LAKE, Merchant, London. 


Mrs. ARCHIBALD LITTLE, London, Author and Traveller. 

ROBERT RANULPH MARETT, M.A., F.R.A.I., Oxford University. 

Prof. D. S. MARGOLIOUTH, D.Lit. (Arabic, U. of Oxford). 

Rev. F. B. MEYER, B.A., late President of National Federation of Free Churches. 

JOHN E. MILHOLLAND (Hon. Treasurer for U.S.A.], New York and London. 

Prof. J. H. MuiRHEAD, LL.D. (Philosophy, U. of Birmingham). 

Prof. J. L. MYRES, M.A. F.S.A. (Ancient History, Oxford). 


R. H. PYE, F.R.A.I., London, representing the Royal Anthropological Institute. 

S. K. RATCLIFFE, London, Secretary and representing the Sociological Society. 

L. W. RITCH, M.A., Barrister-at-Law, London. 


Rev. Dr. ROSEDALE, London. 

HARRY SNELL, London, Secretary Union of Ethical Societies. 

WILLIAM T. STEAD, London, Editor of " Review of Reviews." 

S. H. SWINNY, M.A., London, representing the Sociological Society. 

MARY F. A. TENCH, F.R.A.I., London. 

Major A. J. N. TREMEARNE, B.A. (Hausa, U. of Cambridge). 

Major-General Sir ALFRED TURNER, K.C.B., London. 

H. J. WELCH, Solicitor, London. 

Prof. EDWARD WESTERMARCK (London U. and U. of Helsingfors). 

J. MARTIN WHITE, J.P., London. 

Sir JAMES WILSON, K.C.S.I., London. 



/. Members of the Permanent Court of Arbitration and of the 

Second Hague Conference. 
(At the time of acceptance A la date d'adhesion.) 

Argentina M. ESTANISLAS S. ZEBALLOS, late Minister of State, Member 
of the Hague Court, Member of the Institut de Droit International, Professor 
of International Law. 
Austria Prof. Dr. H. LAMMASCH, Member of both Hague Conferences, 

Member of the Hague Court, Professor of International Law. 
Baron Dr. ERNEST DE PLENER, Senator, Councillor of State President 
of the Supreme Court of the Exchequer, Member of the Hague Court, 
Member of the Council of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. 

Belgium M.. A. BEERNAERT, Deputy, Minister of State, late Prime 

Minister, Member of the Hague Court and of both Hague Conferences, 

President of the Inter- Parliamentary Union, Nobel Peace Prize, Hon. 

Member of the Institute of International Law. 

Le Baron GUILLAUME, Belgian Minister in Paris, Member of the Second 

Hague Conference, Member of the Royal Academy of Roumania. 
M. ERNEST NYS, Judge at the Brussels Court of Appeal, Member of the 

Hague Court, Professor of International Law. 

Brazil M. CLOVIS BEVILAQUA, Jurisconsult at the Foreign Office, Member 

of the Hague Court, Member of the Brazilian Academy, Professor of Law. 

M. EDUARDO F. S. DOS SANTOS LISB6A, Brazilian Minister at The 

Hague, Member of the Second Hague Conference. 
M. LAFAYETTE RODRIGUES PEREIRA, late Prime Minister, Member 

of the Hague Court. 

Bulgaria Dr. STOYAN DANEFF, late Prime Minister, late Minister for 
Foreign Affairs, Member of the Hague Court, late Professor at the 
University of Sophia. 
M. IVAN KARANDJOULOFF, Attorney General of the Bulgarian High 

Court of Cassation, Member of the Second Hague Conference. 
Chile Dr. ALEJANDRO ALVAREZ, Councillor at the Foreign Office, 

Member of the Hague Court. 
Dr. MIGUEL CRUCHAGA, late Prime Minister, Chilian Minister at 

Buenos-Ayres, Member of the Hague Court. 
tM. DOMINGO CAN A, Minister of Chile in London, Member of the Second 

Hague Conference. 
M. AUGUSTO MATTE, Minister of Chile in Berlin, Member of the Second 

Hague Conference. 
China M. WU TING-FANG, late Chinese Ambassador in Washington, late 

Imperial Commissioner, Member of the Hague Court. 
M. LOU TSENG-TSIANG, Chinese Minister at The Hague, Member of the 

Second Hague Conference. 
Colombia M. PEREZ TRIANA, Minister of Colombia in London, Member of 

the Second Hague Conference. 
Cuba M.JUAN B. HERNANDES BARREIRO, President of the Supreme 

Tribunal of the Republic, Member of the Hague Court. 
M. GONZALO DE QUESADA, Cuban Minister in Berlin, Member of 

the Hague Court. 
Denmark M. A. VEDEL, Sheriff for the county of Nestvest, Member of the 

Second Hague Conference. 

Dominican Republic Dr. FRANCISCO HENRIQUEZ Y CARVAJAL, late 
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Member of the Hague Court and of the Second 
Hague Conference. 
M. RAFAEL J. CASTILLO, President of the Supreme Court of Justice, 

Member of the Hague Court. 

M. ELISEO GRULL.6N, late Minister for Foreign Affairs, Member of the 
Hague Court. 


Ecuador M. E. DORN Y DE ALSUA, Member of the Second Hague Con- 
ference, Charg-^ d'Affaires in Paris. 

General JULIO ANDRADE, Deputy, late Minister of Public Instruction, 
Minister of Ecuador at Bogota, Member of the Hague Court. 

France M. LEON BOURGEOIS, late Prime Minister and President of the 

Chamber of Deputies, Member of the Hague Court and of both Hague 

Baron D'ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT, Senator, Member of 

both Hague Conferences, Member of the Hague Court, President of the 

Conciliation Internationale, Nobel Peace Prize. 
M. ALBERT DECRAIS, Senator, late Ambassador and Colonial Minister, 

Member of the Hague Court. 
M. MARCELLIN PELLET, French Minister at The Hague, Member of the 

Second Hague Conference. 

M. LOUIS RENAULT, Membre de Tlnstitut, Member of both Hague Con- 
ferences, Member of the Hague Court, Nobel Peace Prize, Professor of 

International Law. 
Germany Dr. L. v. BAR, Member of the Hague Court, Hon. Member of the 

Institute of International Law, Professor of International Law. 
Dr. PHILIPP ZORN, Senator, Member of both Hague Conferences, 

Professor of International Law. 

Greece M. A. TYPALDO-BASSIA, late President ad interim of Greek Parlia- 
ment, Member of the Hague Court, Professor of Economics. 
Prof. Dr. MICHEL KEBEDGY, Judge of the Court of Appeal at Alexandria, 

Member of the Hague Court. 
M. CLEON RIZO RANGABE, Greek Minister in Berlin, Member of the 

Second Hague Conference. 
M. GEORGES STREIT, Member of the Second Hague Conference, Member 

of the Hague Court, Professor of International Law. 
Guatemala M. ANTONIO BATRES JAUREGUI, late Minister of State, 

Member of the Hague Court. 
M. LUIS TOLEDO HERRARTE, Minister of Guatemala at Washington, 

Member of the Hague Court. 
M. MANUEL CABRAL, late Minister of State, President of the Judiciary 

Power, Member of the Hague Court. 
Haiti M. JEAN JOSEPH DALBEMAR, late Haytian Minister in Paris, 

Member of the Second Hague Conference. 
M. TERTULLIEN GUILBAUD, late Chief of Cabinet, late Senator, 

Member of the Hague Court. 
M. PIERRE HUDICOURT, Member of the Second Hague Conference, 

Batonnier de 1'Ordre des Avocats de Port-au-Prince, late Professor of Inter- 
national Law. 
M. JACQUES NICOLAS LEGER, late Minister of Hayti in Washington, 

Member of the Hague Court, Member of the Second Hague Conference, 

President of the Port-au-Prince Society for Legislation. 
General LEGITIME, late President of the Republic of Hayti, Member of the 

Hague Court. 
M. SOLON MENOS, late Minister of Finance, Commerce, Justice, and 

Foreign Affairs, Member of the Hague Court. 

Hungary Count ALBERT APPONYI, Deputy, late Minister of Public Educa- 
tion, late Speaker, Member of the Hague Court. 
M. ALBERT DE BERZEVICZY, President of the Chamber of Deputies, 

President of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Member of Hague Court. 
Italy M. GUIDO FUSINATO, Deputy, Councillor of State, late Minister of 

Public Instruction, Member of the Second Hague Conference, Member of 

the Hague Court, late Professor of International Law. 
tM. ANGELO MAJORANA, Deputy, late Minister of Finance, Member of 

the Hague Court, Professor of International Law. 
tM. AUGUSTE PIERANTONI, LL.D. (Oxford and Edinburgh), Senator, 

late President of the Institute of International Law, Member of the Hague 

Court, Professor of International Law. 
tM. GUIDO POMPILJ, Deputy, Under Secretary of State for Foreign 

Affairs, Member of both Hague Conferences. 


Japan Baron Dr. ITCHIRO MOTONO, Japanese Ambassador at St. Peters- 
burg, Member of the Hague Court and of the First Hague Conference. 
M. AIMARO SATO, Japanese Minister at The Hague, Member of the 

Second Hague Conference. 
M. KEIROKU TSUDZUKI, Member of the Second Hague Conference. 

Luxemburg TA. EYSCHEN, The Minister of State, President of the Grand- 
Ducal Government, Member of both Hague Conferences. 

Mexico M.. FRANCISCO L. DE LA BARRA, Mexican Ambassador at Wash- 
ington, Member of the Second Hague Conference. 

M. JOAQUIN D. CASASUS, late Ambassador at Washington, late Director of 
the National School of Jurisprudence of Mexico, Member of the Hague Court. 

M. GONZALO A. ESTEVA, Mexican Minister in Rome, Member of the 
Second Hague Conference. 

Dr. JOAQUIN OBREGON GONZALEZ, Governor of the State of 
Guanajuato, Member of the Hague Court. 

M. JOSE IVES LIMANTOUR, Secretary of State in the Ministry of 
Finance, Member of the Hague Court. 

M. PABLO MACEDO, Deputy, President of the Monetary Commission, 
Director of the National School of Law, Member of the Hague Court. 

M. SEBASTIAN B. de MIER, Mexican Minister in Paris, Member of the 

Second Hague Conference. 

Netherlands M. T. M. C. ASSER, Minister of State, Member of the Council 
of State, Member of the Hague Court and of both Hague Conferences, 
Foundation Member and Hon. Member of Institute of International Law. 

Minister of Justice, Queen's Commissioner in the Province of Limburg, 
Member of the Hague Court. 

M. F. B. CONINCK LIEFSTING, late President of the Court of Cassation, 
Member of the Hague Court. 

The JONKHEER DEN BEER PORTUGAEL, Lieutenant-General, late 
Minister of War, Member of the Council of State, Member of the First and 
Second Hague Conferences. 

The JONKHEER J. A. ROELL, Vice-Admiral retired, Aide-de-Camp to 
Her Majesty, late Minister of Marine, Member of the Second Hague Con- 
ference, First Naval Delegate to the Naval Conference in London. 
Nicaragua M. CRISANTO MEDINA, Minister of Nicaragua in Paris, 
Member of the Hague Court and of the Second Hague Conference. 

M. DESIRE PECTOR, Member of the Hague Court, Consul-General for 

France of Nicaragua and Honduras. 

Norway M. JOACHIM GRIEG, late Deputy, Member of Second Hague 

Dr. FRANCIS HAGERUP, late Premier, Norwegian Minister at Copen- 
hagen, Member of the Second Hague Conference, Member of the Hague 
Court, Member of the Storting Nobel Committee. 

M. H. J. HORST, late Deputy, late President of" Lagting," Member of Inter- 
Parliamentary Council, Member of the Nobel Committee of the-" Storting," 
Member of the International Peace Bureau, Member of the Hague Court. 

Dr. SIGURD IBSEN, late Minister of State, Member of the Hague Court. 

Dr. CHRISTIAN L. LANGE, Member of the Second Hague Conference, 

General Secretary of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. 
Panama M. BELISARIO PORRAS, Envoy Extraordinary, Member of the 

Second Hague Conference. 

Justice, Member of the Hague Court. 

M. MIRZA AHMED KHAN SADIGHUL MULK, Persian Minister at the 
Hague, Member of the Second Hague Conference. 


m Paris, Member of the Hague Court and of both Hague Conferences. 
Portugal M. ALBERTO D'OLIVEIRA, late Portuguese Minister at Berne, 
Member of the Second Hague Conference. 

M. FERNANDO MATTOSO SANTOS, late Minister of Finance and of 
Foreign AfTairs, Member of the Hague Court. 


MARQUIS DE SOVERAL, G.C.M.G., Councillor of State, late Minister 
for Foreign Affairs, late Portuguese Ambassador in London, Member of 
the Second Hague Conference. 

XoumaniaM. CONSTANTIN G. DISSESCU, Senator, late Minister of 

Justice and of Education, Member of the Hague Court, Member of the 

Inter- Parliamentary Council, Professor of Law. 
Dr. JEAN KALINDERU, late President of the High Court of Cassation and 

Justice, Member of the Roumanian Academy, Administrator of the Crown 

Domains, Member of the Hague Court. 
M. THEODORE G. ROSETTI, late Premier, late President of the High 

Court of Cassation, Member of the Hague Court. 

XusstaM. J. OVTCHINNIKOW, Professor of International Law, Member 

of both Hague Conferences. 

M. NICOLAS TCHARYKOW, Russian Ambassador at Constantinople, 
Member of the Second Hague Conference. 

Salvador M. PEDRO J. MATHEU, Consul-General of Salvador in Spain, 
Member of the Hague Court and of the Second Hague Conference. 

Servia General SAVA GROUITCH, late President of the Council of State, 

Member of the Second Hague Conference. 
M. MILOVAN MILOVANOVITCH, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Member of 

the Hague Court and of the Second Hague Conference, late Professor of Law. 
M. MILENKO R. VESNITCH, Servian Minister for France and 

Belgium, late Minister of Justice, late President of the Skouptchina, 

Member of the Hague Court, late Professor of International Law. 
Spain M. GABRIEL MAURA Y GAMAZO, Comte de la Mortera, Deputy, 

Member of the Second Hague Conference. 
M. EDUARDO DATO IRADIER, President of the Chamber of Deputies, 

late Minister of the Interior and of Justice, Member of the Hague Court. 
M. RAFAEL M. DE LABRA, Senator, Director of Primary Instruction, 

Member of the Hague Court, Member of the Institute of International Law; 
M. RAFAEL DE URENA Y SMENJAUD, Member of the Hague Court, 

Professor of Law. 

Minister for Foreign Affairs, Spanish Ambassador in London, Member of 

both Hague Conferences. 
Sweden,- M. JOHAN FREDRIK IVAR AFZELIUS, Deputy, President of the 

Commission for the Revision of the Law, late Judge of the Supreme Court, 

Member of the Hague Court. 

of Justice and of Education, late Swedish Minister at Copenhagen, late 

President of the Court of Appeal of Jonkoping, Governor of the Province of 

Upsala, Member of the Hague Court and of the Second Hague Conference, 

late Professor of Law. 
Switzerland M. GASTON CARLIN, Swiss Minister in London, Member of 

the Second Hague Conference. 
Dr. EUGEN HUBER, Member of the National Council, Member of the 

Hague Court, Professor of Law. 

Dr. MAX HUBER, Member of Second Hague Conference, Professor of Law. 
Turkey M. SAID BEY, President of the Legislative Section of the Council of 

State, Member of the Hague Court. 

Commerce and Public Works, Member of the Hague Court. 
MOUSTAFA RECHID PASHA, Turkish Ambassador at Vienna, Member 

of the Second Hague Conference. 
TURKHAN PASHA, Ottoman Ambassador at St. Petersburg, Member of 

the Second Hague Conference. 
United States The, Hon. JOSEPH H. CHOATE, LL.D., late United States 

Ambassador to Great Britain, Member of the Second Hague Conference. 
The Hon. GEORGE B. DAVIS, Judge Attorney General, Member of the 

Second Hague Conference. --'J :- 
The Hon. JOHN W. GRIGGS, late Attorney-General, Member of the Hague 



The Hon. HORACE PORTER, late United States Ambassador in Paris, 

Member of the Second Hague Conference. 
The Hon. URIAH M. ROSE, Ambassador Extraordinary, Member of the 

Second Hague Conference. 
Uruguay Dr. GONZALO RAMIREZ, Minister of Uruguay at Buenos-Ayres, 

Professor of International Law in the University of Montevideo, Member 

of the Hague Court. 
Venezuela Dr. FRANCISCO ARROYO PAREJO, Legal Adviser at the 

Ministry for Public Works, Professor of Civil Law at the University of 

Caracas, Member of the Hague Court. 
Dr. CARLOS LEON, late Minister of Public Instruction, late Governor 

of the Federal District, late Judge at the Court of Cassation, Professor 

of Sociology and Economics at the University of Caracas, Member of the 

Hague Court. 
General MANUEL ANTONIO MATOS, late Minister of State, late President 

of the Senate, Member of the Hague Court. 

//. Presidents of Parliaments 
(At the time of acceptance A la date d 'adhesion.) 
Argentina M. B. VILLANUEVA, President of the Senate. 
Belgium M. le VICOMTE SIMONIS, President of the Senate. 

M. COOREMAN, President of the Chamber of Deputies. 
Brazil M. QUINTINO BOCAYUVA, President of the Senate. 
Bulgaria Dr. P. ORACHNOWAC, President of the National Assembly. 
Canada The Hon. CHARLES MARCIL, M.P., LL.D., Speaker of the House 

of Commons of Canada. 
Costa Rica M. RICARDO JIMENEZ, President of the Chamber of Deputies, 

President of the Republic for 1910-1914. 
Denmark Dr. CARL GOOS, President of the Senate. 
M. CHR. SONNE, (late) President of the Senate. 
M. A. THOMSEN, President of Folketing. 
France M. ANTONIN DUBOST, President of the Senate. 

M. HENRI BRISSON, President of the Chamber of Deputies. 
Germany Graf v. SCHWERIN-LOWITZ, President of the Reichstag. 
ffaytiM. F. P. PAULIN, President of the Senate. 

M. GERSON DESROSIER, President of the National Assembly. 
Hungary Count ALBIN CSAKY, President of the Chamber of Magnates. 
M. ALBERT DE BERZEVICZY, President of the Chamber of Deputies. 

(See also Section I.) 

Count AURELE DESSEVFFY, (late) President of the Chamber of Magnates. 
Dr. ALEXANDER GAL, (late) President of the Chamber of Deputies. 
Japan M. S. HASEBA, President of the Chamber of Deputies. 

DE HOEVELAKEN, President of the Senate. 
Portugal M. JOSE JOAQUIM MENDES LEAL, President of the House of 

Deputies, late Civil Governor. 
Roumania General C. BUDISTEANU, President of the Senate. 

M. PHEREKYDE, President of the Chamber of Deputies. 
Russia M. N. A. HOMIAKOFF, late President of the Duma of the Empire. 
Servia M. A. NIKOLITCH, President of the Chamber of Deputies. 
Spain M. le MARQUIS de AZCARRAGA, President of the Senate. 

M. EDUARDO DATO IRADIER, President of the Chamber of Deputies 

(See also Section I.) 

Sweden M. CHR. LUNDEBERG, President of the First Chamber. 
Switzerland Dr. VIRGILE ROSSEL, President of the National Council 

Professor at the University of Berne. 
Dr. PAUL USTERI, President of the State Council. 

Turkey His Highness SAID PASHA, President of Senate, late Grand Vizier. 
M. AHMED RIZA, President of the Chamber of Deputies. 


///. Rulers, Ministers of State, Governors, and A mbassadors* 
(At the time of acceptance A la date d'adh^sion.) 

Argentina Dr. V. DE LA PLAZA, Minister for Foreign Affairs. 
Belgium M. le COMTE de LALAING, Belgian Minister in London. 

M. J. RENKIN, Minister for Colonial Affairs. 

Bolivia M. D. SANCHEZ BUSTAMENTE, Minister for Foreign Affairs. 
Brazil W.. le MARECHAL HERMES da FONSECA, President of the Re- 
Bulgaria M. HEDJI MISCHEFF, Bulgarian Charge d'Affaires in London. 

General PAPRIKOFF, Bulgarian Minister for Foreign Affairs. 
China M. YIN-CH'ANG, Chinese Minister in Berlin. 
M. LI CHING FONG, K.C.V.O., Chinese Minister in London. 
M. WOU TSUNG-LIEN, Chinese Minister at Rome. 
Colombia M. C. CALDERON, (late) Minister for Foreign Affairs. 
Denmark M. LIMPRICHT, Governor of the Danish West India Islands. 
France M.. G. ANGOULVANT, C.M.G., Governor of French Ivory Coast. 
M. VICTOR AUGAGNEUR, Governor-General of Madagascar. 
M. DIDELOT, Administrator of Saint-Pierre and Miquelon. 
M. LIOTARD, Lt.-Governor of French Guinea. 
M. PASCAL, Governor of French Somaliland. 
Germany Dr. ALBERT HAHL, Governor of German New Guinea. 

Dr. SOLF, Governor of Samoan Islands. 
Great Britain Admiral Sir DAY H. BOSANQUET, G.C.V.O., K.C.B., J.P., 

D.L., Governor of South Australia. 
Sir CAVENDISH BOYLE, K.C.M.G., Governor and Commander-in-Chief 

of Mauritius. 
The Hon. ALFRED DEAKIN, Prime Minister of the Commonwealth of 


D.L., Governor of Victoria. 
Lt.-Colonel HENRY LIONEL GALLWEY, C.M.G., D.S.O., Governor of 

St. Helena. 

His Highness the RAJA OF KANIKA. 
Sir EVERARD im THURN, K.C.M.G., C.B., Governor of Fiji and High 

Commissioner of the Western Pacific. 

The Hon. WILLIAM KIDSTON, Prime Minister of Queensland. 
Sir GEORGE R. LE HUNTE, K.C.M.G., Governor and Commander-in-Chief 

of Trinidad and Tobago. 

Sir JAMES H. S. LOCKHART, K.C.M.G., Commissioner of Waihaiwai. 
Sir WILLIAM MAcGREGOR, G.C.M.G., C.B., M.D., D.Sc., LL.D., 

F.F.P.S., Governor of Queensland. 

His Highness THE MAHARAJA BAHADUR of Darbhanga, K.C.I.E. 
His Highness THE MAHARAJADHIRAJA, Bahadur of Burdwan. 

G. C.S.I., etc., etc. 
The Right Hon. Sir FREDERICK ROBERT' MOOR, P.C., K.C.M.G., 

D.C.L., LL.D., M.L.A., Prime Minister of Natal. 
Lt.-Col. Sir N. J. MOORE, K.C.M.G., Premier of Western Australia. 
The Hon. J. H. P. MURRAY, Lt.-Governor of Papua. 
The Hon. JOHN MURRAY, Premier of Victoria. 
His Highness THE NAWAB of Dacca. 
Sir SYDNEY OLIVIER, K.C.M.G., Governor of Jamaica. 
The Hon. A. C. RUTHERFORD, Prime Minister of Alberta, Canada. 
Lieut.-Col. Sir JAMES HAYES SADLER, K.C.M.G., C.B., Governor and 

Commander-in-Chief of Windward Islands. 
The Hon. J. W. SAUER, M.L.D., Minister of Railways and Harbours of the 

Dominion of United South Africa. 

* See also under Sections I. and II. Voir aussi Sections I. et II. 


Colonel Sir ERIC JOHN EAGLES SWAYNE, K.C.M.G., C.B., Governor 

of British Honduras. 
The Hon. CHARLES GREGORY WADE, K.C., Prime Minister of New 

South Wales. 
The Right Hon. Sir JOSEPH G. WARD, K.C.M.G., LL.D., Premier of 

New Zealand. 

Greece M. J. GENNADIUS, Greek Minister in London. 
Guatemala M. ESTRADA CABRERA, .President of the Republic. 
HaytiM. MURAT CLAUDE, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Public 


M. C. FOUCHARD, Haytian Minister in Berlin. 
M. GEORGES SYLVAIN, Haytian Minister in Paris. 
M. DURACINE VAVAL, Haytian Minister in London. 
Honduras General MIGUEL R. DAVILA, President of the Republic. 

Dr. LUIS LAZO ARRIAGA, Minister of Honduras at Washington. 
Italy M. L. CREDARO, Minister of Public Instruction. 
Liberia M. ARTHUR BARCLAY, President of the Republic. 
M. J. CROMMELIN, Liberian Minister in London. 
M. M. DINKLAGE, Charge d 'Affaires for Liberia in Germany. 
The Hon. F. E. R. JOHNSON, Secretary of State. 
Mexico M. MIGUEL COVARRUBIAS, Mexican Minister in London. 
Netherlands Dr. D. FOCK, Governor of Surinam, late Colonial Minister, 

Member of the Institut Colonial International. 

Baron GERICKE VAN HERWIJNEN, Netherlands Minister in London. 
M. J.-H. de WAAL MALEFYT, Minister for Colonial Affairs. 
Dr. Th. J. A. NUYENS, Governor of Cura ? ao, West Indies. 
Baron A. J. QUARLES DE QUARLES, Governor of Island of Celebes. 
Nicaragua M. JOS MADRIZ, President of the Republic. 
Persia M. HAKIM-EL-MOLK, Minister of Public Instruction. 

M. MAHMOUD KHAN, Persian Minister at Brussels, Corresponding 

Member of the Lisbon Geographical Society. 


M. MOHTACHEMOS-SALTANEH, Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

in Vienna 

M. ISAAC KHAN MOFAKHAM-ED-DOVLEH, Persian Minister at Rome. 
M. MOKHBER-ES-SALTANEH, Governor-General of Azerbaijan (Tabriz). 

Minister in Berlin. 

M. VUSOUK ED DAULEH, Minister of Justice. 

Peru M. EDUARDO LEMBCKE, Charge d'Affaires of Peru in London. 
Portugal M. A. A. FREIRE D'ANDRADE, Governor-General of Portuguese 

East Africa. 

M. MAGALHAES LIMA, Portugese Minister in London. 
M. MARQUES, Governor of Macao. 
M. ROCADAS, Governor of Angola. 

Roumania M. A. C. CATARGI, Roumanian Minister in London. 
Salvador General F. FIGUEROA, President of the Republic. 
Servia. M. S. Y. GROUITCH, Servian Charg<$ d'Affaires. 
Siam The Ven. P. C. JINAVARAVANSA, S'yam Rajakumara Nayaka 
Thera, M.R.A.S. (the late Col. Prince Prisdang, C.M.G., etc., of Siam), 
Ratna Chetiyarama, Colombo. 

late Minister of State, Spanish Ambassador in Paris. 
Sweden Count H. WRANGEL, Swedish Minister in London. 
Turkey NAOUM PASHA, Turkish Ambassador in Paris. 
RIFAAT PASHA, Minister for Foreign Affairs. 
TEWF1K PASHA, Turkish Ambassador in London. 

Ventsuela General JUAN VICENTE GOMEZ, President of the Republic. 
United States- T. J. O'BRIEN, LL.D., United States Ambassador at Tokyo. 



President : 


Vice-Presidents : 




Fakir SYED IFTIKHARUDDIN, British Agent at Kaboul. 


Dr. F. AMEGHINO, Director National Natural History Museum at Buenos Ayres. 

Prof. EDUARDO L. BIDAU, Argentine Delegate to the fourth Pan-American Con- 
gress (International Law, U. of Buenos Ayres). 


Dr. MANUEL DESSEIN, Buenos Ayres. 

M.ViCTOR O. DIARD, Buenos Ayres, President-General of the Universal Scientific 
Alliance for America. 

M. AUGUSTE LAPPA, Buenos Ayres. 

Dr. GUILLERMO MATTI, Buenos Ayres. 

Prof. Dr. ENRIQUE MARTINEZ PAZ (Sociology, U. of Cordova). 

Prof. ARNAUD SARRAT, Buenos Ayres. 

M. THEODORE SOURDILLE, Mathematician, Cordova. 

Prof. Jos LEON SUAREZ (International Law, U. of Buenos Ayres). 


Prof. Dr. J. DE BLOCISZEWSKI (Diplomatic History and International Law, 
Consular Academy, Vienna). 

Dr. RUDOLF EISLER, Secretary of the Vienna Sociological Society, Editor of 
" Philos.-Sociologische Biicherei." 

M. ALFRED H. FRIED, Vienna, Editor of Friedenswarte, Member of the Inter- 
national Peace Bureau. 

Prof. Dr. RUDOLF GEYER (Arabic, U . of Vienna). 

Dr. RUDOLF GOLDSCHEID, Sociological Society of Vienna. 

Prof. Dr. HANS GROSS (Law, U. of Graz). 

Prof. Dr. MAX GRUNERT, Rector of the German University in Prague. 

Prof. Dr. WLADYSLAW HEINRICH (Philosophy, U. of Cracow). 

Dr. FRIEDRICH HERTZ, Vienna, Author. 

Prof. Dr. MAURICE HOERNES (Prehistorical Archaeology, U. of Vienna). 

Prof. Baron ALEXANDER v. HOLD-FERNECK (International Law, U. of Vienna). 

Prof. Dr. FRIEDRICH JODL (Philosophy, U. of Vienna). 

Prof. Dr. J. KlRSTE (Oriental Philology, U. of Graz). 

Prof. Dr. RUDOLF KOBATSCH (Commercial Politics, Konsular Akademie, Vienna). 

Prof. Dr. KARL KRETSCHMER (Comparative Philology, U. of Vienna). 

Prof. T. G. MASARYK, Member of Reichsrat (Philosophy, U. of Prague). 

Prof. Dr. ALEXIUS MEINONG (Philosophy, U. of Graz). 

Dr. JULIUS OFNER, Vienna, Member of Reichsrat. 

Dr. ALBERT REIBMAYER, Brixen, Tyrol. 

Prof Dr. EMIL REICH (Aesthetics, U. of Vienna). 

Count MICHEL ROSTWOROWSKI, Associate of the Institut de Droit International 
(Constitutional and International Law, U. of Cracow). 

Prof. Dr. FRANCO SAVORGNAN (Economics, Higher Commercial School, Trieste). 

Father WILHELM SCHMIDT, S.V.D., Editor of Anthropos, Modling, Vienna. 


Prof. Dr. LEO STRISOWER (International Law, U. of Vienna). 
Baroness BERTHA V. SUTTNER, Vienna, Authoress, Hon. President of the Inter- 
national Peace Bureau, Nobel Prize Laureate. 
Prof. Dr. M.WlNTERNlTZ('//&0/<?gj'and Indian Philology, German U. of Prague). 


Prof. MAURICE ANSIAUX (Economics, U. of Brussels). 

Prof. Dr. BONMARIAGE (Colonial Hygiene, Institut des Hautes Etudes, Brussels). 

Prof. JEAN C APART (Egyptology, U. of Liege). 

The Very Rev. Father A. DE CLERCQ, Scheut, Rector of the Seminaire des Mis- 
sions Etrangeres. 

Prof. HECTOR DENIS (Philosophy, U. of Brussels). 

M. V. DENYN, Brussels, Director- General at the Belgian Colonial Office and Chief 
of the Colonial Minister's Cabinet. 

Prof. R. DE RIDDER (International Law, U. of Ghent). 

M. DESTRE, Deputy, Brussels. 

Prof. Dr. EMILE DE WILDEMAN, General Secretary of the Third International 
Congress of Botany. 

M. NORBERT DIDERRICH, Brussels, Member of Colonial Council, Member of 
Institut Colonial International. 

Dr. GUSTAVE DRYEPONDT, Brussels, Associate of Institut Colonial International. 

Prof. L. DUPRIEZ, Member of Colonial Council (Comparative Law, U. of Louvain). 

M. PAUL ERRERA, Rector of Brussels University, Associate Institut de Droit 
International (Public Law, U. of Brussels). 

M. LEON FURNEMONT, Brussels, Barrister, Deputy. 

Prof. GOFFART (Economics and Industrial Geography, U. of Ghent). 

Prof. TH. COLLIER (Japanese, U. of Li&ge). 

M. MICHEL HALEWYCK, Brussels, Director at the Belgian Colonial Office of 
Belgium, Second Secretary of Belgian Colonial Council. 

Prof. Dr. E. HOUZ6 (Anthropology, U. of Brussels). 

Prof. MICHEL HUISMAN (History and Economic Geography, U. of Brussels). 

Dr. JULES INGENBLEEK, Brussels, Private Secretary to Their Majesties the King 
and Queen of Belgium. 

M. T. JANSON, Brussels, Deputy, late Batonnier. 

M. CAMILLE JANSSEN, late Governor-General of the Belgian Congo, General 
Secretary of the International Colonial Institute. 

M. H. LA FONTAINE, Senator, President of the International Peace Bureau (Inter- 
national Law, U. of Brussels). 

M. AUG. HOUZEAU DE LEHAIE, Senator, Member and Treasurer of the Inter- 
Parliamentary Council. 

M. MAURICE MAETERLINCK, Author, Grasse (France). 

Prof. ERNEST MAHAIM (International Law, U. of Liege). 

M. PAUL OTLET, Brussels, General Sec. of Institut International de Bibliographic 
and of Office Central des Institutions Internationales. 

M. CYRIL VAN OVERBERGH, Brussels, Director-General for Higher Education, 
President of the Belgian Sociological Society, President of the Provisory 
International Bureau of Ethnography. 

Prof. P. POULLET, Deputy, Associate of the Institut de Droit International (Inter- 
national Law, U. of Louvain) 

M. ADOLPHE PRINS, Inspector-General of Belgian Prisons, President of the Union 
Internationale de Droit Pe*nal (Law, U. of Brussels). 

Pro ALBERIC ROLIN, General Secretary of the Institute of International Law 
(International Law, U. of Ghent). 

M. HENRI ROLIN, Judge (Law, U. of Brussels). 

M. F. C. DE SKEEL-GIORLING, Brussels, Editor of Revuo de la Kongresoj. 

Prof. H. SPEYER, Member of Colonial Council, Associate of Institut Colonial 
International (Criminal Law, U. of Brussels). 

Colonel THYS, Brussels, President of the Compagnie du chemin de fer du Congo, 
Member of the Institut Colonial International. 

M. J. VAN DEN GHEYN, S.J., Brussels, Chief Librarian Royal Library of Belgium. 

Prof. A. VERMEERSCH, S.J. (Moral Theology, Theological College, Louvain). 

M. G. VOUCHARD, Brussels, Editor of Mouvement Giiographique. 


M. A. J. WAUTERS, Brussels, General Sec. of Congo Railway, Member of the 

Belgian Royal Academy, Associate of Institut Colonial International. 
Prof. E. WAXWEILER, Director of the Institut de Sociologie, Brussels. 


Madame AMELIA DE FREITAS BEVILAQUA, Author, Rio de Janeiro. 
Prof. JOAO BAPTISTE DE LACERDA, Director National Museum of Rio de Janeiro. 
M. JACQUES HUBER, Ph.D., Pard, Director of Museo Goeldi de Historia Natural 
e Ethnographia. 


M. STEFAN S. BOBTCHEV, Deputy, President of the Soci^te" Slave and of the 

Socie'te' des Publicistes Bulgares (History of Law, U. of Sophia). 
Prof. Dr. T. GHORGOV (Philosophy, U. of Sophia). 
Prof. Dr. ISIRKOL (Geography, U. of Sophia). 
Prof. M. POPOVILIEV, Dean of Faculty of Law (International Law, U. of Sophia). 


M. ANTONIO HUNEEUS, Santiago, late Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

M. MARCIAL MARTINEZ, LL.D. (of Yale and Edinburgh). 

Prof. CARLOS E. PORTER, Director of the Natural History Museum of Valparaiso. 

C. W. CAMPBELL, C.M.G., F.R.A.I., British Legation, Peking. 



Prof. Dr. DINES ANDERSEN (Indian Philology, U. of Copenhagen). 

M. FREDRIK BAJER, Copenhagen, late Hon. President of the International Peace 

Bureau, Nobel Prize Laureate, Member of Inter-Parliamentary Council. 
Commodore E. BLUHME, Norlund, late Deputy, Member of the Danish Committee 

of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. 
M. JENS CHRISTIAN CHRISTENSEN, Copenhagen, late Prime Minister, Member 

of the Danish Committee of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. 

M. CARL Goos, late Minister of Justice, Member of Institut de Droit International. 
Prof. Dr. HARALD HOEFFDING (Philosophy, U. of Copenhagen). 
Prof. Dr. VILHELM THOMSEN, Hon. M.R.A.S., President of the Royal Danish 

Academy (Comparative Philology, U. of Copenhagen). 

General CASIMIRO N. DE MOYA, Santo Domingo. 


Dr. M. MUHAMMAD BADRE, F.R.S.E., M.R.A.S., Cairo, of Edinburgh and Bonn 


His Excellency HASSAN SABRY BEY, Cairo. 
His Excellency Shiek ALY YUSIF, Cairo, Editor-Proprietor of Al-Moayad, 

President of the Constitutional Reform League. 


M. EMILE ARNAUD, Luzarches, Notary, General President of the Ligue Interna- 
tionale de la Paix et de la Libert^, Vice-President International Peace Bureau. 

M. ALFRED BARRIOL, General Secretary of the Societe de Statistique of Paris. 

M. GUILLAUME LE BARS, Barrister, Vitry-le-Frangois. 

M. AUGUSTE BARTH, Paris, Membre de 1'Institut. 

Prof. BASDEVANT (International Law, U. of Grenoble). 

M. CHARLES BEAUQUIER, Deputy, Vice-President of the Parliamentary Peace 
Group, President of the Franco-Italian League, and Hon. President of the 
Franco-Ottoman League. 

Prof. ALEXIS BERTRAND (Philosophy, U. of Lyons). 


Prof. P. VIDAL DE LA BLACHE, Membre de PInstitut (Geography, U. of Paris). 

Prof. CHARLES DE BOECK (International Law, U. of Bordeaux). 

M. LEON BOLLACK, Paris, President of the Paris section of the Association de la 

Paix par le Droit, Author of La Langue Bleue. 

Prof. EMILE BOREL, Editor of Revue du Mots (MatJtematics, U. of Paris). 
Dr. RODOLPHE BRODA, Paris, Editor of Les Documents du Progrh. 
Prof. LUCIEN LEVY BRUHL (Philosophy, U. of Paris). 
Prof. LEON BRUNSCHVICG (Philosophy, U. of Paris). 

M. FERDINAND BUISSON, Paris, Deputy, Member Inter- Parliamentary Council. 
Prof. PAUL BUREAU (International Law, Faculte libre de Droit, Paris). 
Prof. JULES CABOUAT (International Law, U. of Caen). 
Prof. J. CHAILLEY, Deputy, Director-General of the French Colonial Union, 

Member of the Institut Colonial International (Comparative Colonisation, 

Ecole des Sciences Politiques, Paris). 

Prof. ALFRED CHRETIEN, Associate of the Institute of International Law (Inter- 
national Law, U. of Nancy). 
M. ARTHUR CHUQUET, Membre de 1'Institut (History and Germanic Languages, 

U. of Paris). 

Prof. AMBROISE COLIN (Comparative Law, U. of Paris). 
Dr. REN 6 COLLIGNON, Hon. F.R.A.I., Cherbourg. 
M. GABRIEL COMPAYRE, Paris, Membre de PInstitut. 
Prof. LOUIS COUTURAT (Philosophy, U. of Paris). 
Prof. JOSEPH DELPECH (International Law, U. of Dijon). 

Dr. J. DENIKER, Hon. F.R.A.I., Paris, Librarian of the Museum d'Histoire Naturelle. 
M. PAUL DESCHANEL, Paris, Deputy, Member of the Academic Franchise, late 

President of the Chamber of Deputies. 
Prof. L. DUGUIT (International Law, U. of Bordeaux). 
Prof. EMILE DURKHEIM (Sociology, U. of Paris). 

Prof. E. DOUTT (Mohammedan Civilisation, Ecole Superieure des Lettres, Algiers). 
M. PAUL FAUCHILLE, Sceaux, Editor of the Revue Gdnerale de Droit Inter- 
national Public. 

M. JEAN FINOT, Paris, Editor of La Revue. 
M. ALFRED FOUILLEE, Mentone, Membre de PInstitut. 

M. LUCIEN LE FOYER, Deputy, Vice-President Association de la Paix par le Droit. 
Prof. E. F. GAUTIER (Comparative Philology, Ecole des Lettres, Algiers). 
Prof. HENRI GERARD (International Law, U. of Algiers). 
Prof. GILBERT GIDEL (International Law, U. of Rennes). 
Prof. ARTHUR GIRAULT, Member of the Institut Colonial International (Colonial 

Legislation, U. of Poitiers). 

Prof. J. HALEVY (Egyptology, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris). 
M. CLEMENT HUART, Professeur a PEcole des Langues Orientales Vivantes 

Directeur deludes a PEcole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris. 
Prof. JULES JACQUEY (International Law, U. of Lille). 
M. EMILE LABICHE, Paris, Senator, President of the French Inter- Parliamentary 

Peace Group, Member of Inter- Parliamentary Council. 
Prof. A. DE LAPRADELLE, Editor of the Revue de Droit International Prive, and 

Co-Editor of the Recueil des Arbitrages Internationaux (International Law, 

U. of Paris). 

M. PAbbe^ ADRIEN LAUNAY, Se"minaire des Missions Etrangeres, Paris. 
Sa Grandeur Msgr. ALEXANDRE LE ROY, Paris, Eveque d'Alinda, Supdrieur 

GeneYal de la Congregation du St.-Esprit. 
M. le Vicomte COMBES DE LESTRADE, Paris, Member of the International Institute 

of Sociology. 
Prof. E. LEVASSKUR, Membre de PInstitut, Administrator of the College de France 

(Economic History and Statistics, U. of Paris). 
Prof. L. MANOUVKIER, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anthropology, Ecole d'Anthropologie, 


Prof. C. MELINAND (Ethics, Ecole Normale Supdrieure, St. Cloud). 
M. GASTON MOCH, Paris, Member of the International Peace Bureau, Hon. 

President of the Institut International de la Paix of Monaco, and Member of 

the Paris Committee for the Defence and Protection of Aborigines. 
Prof. GABRIEL MONOD, Membre de PInstitut, President of the Historical and 

Philological Section at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes (History and 

Historical Method, U. of Paris). 


Prof. MARCEL MOVE (International Law, U. of Montpellier). 

M. Louis OLIVIER, Editor of the Revue Ge"nerale des Sciences. 

Prof. Dr. G. PAPILLAULT (Sociology, Ecole d'Anthropologie, Paris). 

Prof. D. PARODI (Philosophy, Lycee Michelet, Paris). 

Prof. JEAN PERRINJAQUET (International Law, U. of Aix-Marseille). 

Prof. P. Pic (International Law, U. of Lyons). 

Prof. N. POLITIS, Associate of the Institute of International Law, Editor of the 
Recueil des Arbitrages Internationaux (International Law, U. of Poitiers). 

Prof. MICHEL REVON (Civilisation of the Extreme East, U. of Paris). 

Prof. Dr. C. RICHET, Member International Peace Bureau (Physiology, U. of Paris). 

Dr. J. A. RIVIERE, President of the International Medical Association for Aiding 
the Suppression of War, Editor of Annales de Physicothe'rapie. 

Prof. LON DE ROSNY, Paris, Founder and European President of the Inter- 
national Association of Men of Science, formerly Professor of Eastern Religions 
at the Sorbonne and Professor of Japanese at Ecole des Langues Orientales. 

Prof. TH. RUYSSEN, President of the Association de la Paix par le Droit 
(Philosophy, U. of Bordeaux). 

Prof. GABRIEL S FAILLES (Philosophy, U. of Paris). 

Prof. A. GAIRAL DE Sf REZIN (International Law, U. of Lyon). 

Dr. PAUL TOPINARD, Paris, late Gen.-Sec. of the Societe d'Anthropologie of Paris. 

Prof. ARNOLD VISSIERE (Chinese, Ecole des Langues Orientales, Paris). 

M. WAILLE-MARYAL, Oran, President-General of the Alliance Scientifique 
Universelle for Africa. 

Prof. ANDRE WEISS, Member of the Institut de Droit International (International 
Law, U. of Paris). 

Prof. REN WORMS, Paris, Permanent Secretary Institut International de 
Sociologie, Editor of the Revue Internationale de Sociologie (History of 
Sociology, Ecole des Hautes Etudes Sociales, Paris). 


Prof. Dr. PHILIPP ALLFELD (International Law, U. of Erlangen). 

Prof. Dr. RICHARD ANDREE, Munich. 

Prof. Dr. G. K. ANTON, Member of the Institut Colonial International (Political 

Economy, U. of Jena). 

Prof. Dr. PAUL BARTH (Philosophy, U. of Leipzig). 
Prof. Dr. C. H. BECKER, Associate of the Institut Colonial International (Oriental 

History, Colonial Institute in Hamburg). 
Prof. Dr. Lujo BRENTANO (Economics, U. of Munich). 
Prof. Dr. SIEGFRIED BRIE (International Law, U. of Breslau). 
Prof. Dr. HERMANN COHEN (Philosophy, U. of Marburg). 
Prof. Dr. FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH, Hon. M.R.A.S. (Assyriology, U. of Berlin). 
Prof. Dr. ALFRED DOREN (History, U. of Leipzig). 
Prof. Dr. AUGUST DORING (Philosophy, U. of Berlin). 
Prof. Dr. GODEHARD JOSEF EBERS (International Law, U. of Breslau). 
Prof. RICHARD EICKHOFF, Remscheid, Member of Reichstag and Prussian Diet 

Member of the Inter- Parliamentary Council. 
Prof. Dr. BENNO ERDMANN (Philosophy, U. of Berlin). 
Frau LUCY HOESCH ERNST, Ph.D., F.R.A.I., Godesberg. 
M. ERZBERGER, Member of Reichstag. 

Prof. Dr. RUDOLF EUCKEN, Nobel Prize for Literature (Philosophy, U. of Jena). 
.Dr. L. FEYERABEND, President of the Anthropological Society of Oberlausitz, and 

President of the Society of Natural Sciences of Gorlitz. 
Prof. Dr. A. FINGER (International Law, U. of Halle). 
Prof. Dr. AUGUST FISCHER (Semitic Philology, U. of Leipzig). 
Prof. Dr. EUGEN FISCHER (Anthropology, U. of Freiburg). 
Prof. Dr. WlLHELM FOERSTER (Astronomy, U. of Berlin). 
Prof. Dr. ERNST FRIEDRICH (Geography, U. of Leipzig). 

Sr. Hochw. P. Provinzial Dr. J. FROBERGER, Missionshaus der Weissen Vater, Trier. 
Prof. Dr. FRANZ ADAM GOEPFERT (Moraltheology, U. of Wiirzburg). 
Prof. Dr. ERNST HAECKEL (Zoology, U. of Jena). 
Prof. Dr. H. HARBURGER, Judge of the Supreme Court of Bavaria, Member 

Institut de Droit International (International Law, U. of Munich). 
Prof. Dr. W. HASBACH (Economics, U. of Kiel). 
Prof. Dr. JULIUS HATSCHEK (Law, U. of Gottingen). 


Prof. Dr. FELIX HAUPTMANN, Member of Prussian Diet, Member of Inter- 
Parliamentary Council (Methodology of Law, U. of Bonn). 

Justizrat Dr. A. HEILBERG, Breslau, Member of the International Peace Bureau. 

Prof Dr. Paul HEILBORN (International Law, U. of Breslau). 

Prof. Dr. H. HERKNER (Political Economy, Technische Hochschule, Berlin). 

Prof. Dr. J. JASTROW (Economics, Handelshochschule, Charlottenburg). 

Prof. Dr. GEORG JELLINEK (International Law, U. of Heidelberg). 

Prof. Dr. WILHELM KAUFMANN (International Law, U. of Berlin). 

Prof. Dr. A. VON KIRCHENHEIM (International Law, U. of Heidelberg). 

Dr. THEODOR KOCH-GRUNBERG (Ethnology, U. of Freiburg). 

Prof. Dr. JOSEF KOHLER (International Law, U. of Berlin). 

Prof. Dr. ERNST KUHN, Hon. M.R.A.S. (Arian Philology, U. of Munich). 

Prof. Dr. EUGEN KtJHNEMANN (Philosophy, U. of Breslau). 

Prof. Dr. PAUL LABAND, Member of the Council of State of Alsace-Lorraine, 
Associate of the Institut Colonial International (Public Law, U. of Strassburg). 

Prof. Dr. P. VON LlLIENTHAL (International Law, U. of Heidelberg). 

Prof. Dr. THEODOR LINDNER (History, U. of Halle). 

Prof. Dr. FRANZ v. LISZT (International Law, U. of Berlin). 

Prof. Dr. F. v. LUSCHAN, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anthropology, U. of Berlin). 

Prof. Dr. GEORG VON MAYR, President of the Munich Oriental Society, Under- 
secretary of State (Economics, U. of Munich). 

Prof. Dr. FRIEDRICH MEINECKE (Modern History, U. of Freiburg). 

Prof. Dr. CARL MEINHOF (African Languages, Colonial Institut, Hamburg). 

Prof. Dr. MEURER (International Law, U. of Wiirzburg). 

Prof. Dr. PAUL NATORP (Philosophy, U. of Marburg). 

Prof. ALBERT NEISSER (Medicine, U. of Breslau). 

Baron E. DE NEUFVILLE, Francfort o/M., Member International Peace Bureau. 

Prof. Dr. KARL NEUMEYER (International Law, U. of Munich). 

Prof. Dr. THEODOR NIEMEYER (International Law, U. of Kiel). 

Prof. Dr. HERMANN ONCKEN (Modern History, U. of Heidelberg). 

Prof. Dr. WILHELM OSTWALD, Gross-Bothen. 

Dr. RUDOLPH PENZIG, Editor of " Ethische Kultur," Berlin. 

Dr. ARTHUR PFUNGST, M.R.A.S., Francfort-on-Main. 

Prof. Dr. L. PLATE (Zoology, U. of Jena). 

Prof. QUIDDE, Munich, Member of the International Peace Bureau. 

Prof. Dr. J. RANKE, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anthropology, U. of Munich). 

Prof. Dr PAUL RATHGEN, Associate of the Institut Colonial International (Political 
Economy, Colonial Institute in Hamburg). 

Prof. Dr. FRITZ REGEL (Geography, U. of Wiirzburg). 

Dr. ADOLF RICHTER, Pforzheim, President of the German Peace Society, Member 
of the International Peace Bureau. 

Prof. Dr. ALOIS RlEHL (Philosophy, U. of Berlin). 

Prof. Dr. ROBERT SCHACHNER (Political Economy, U. of Jena). 

Prof. Dr. L. SCHEMANN, Freiburg, President of Gobineau-Vereinigung. 

Prof. Dr. JOSEPH SCHMIDLIN (Church History, Catholic Faculty, U. of Miinster). 

Prof. Dr. PAUL SCHOEN (International Law, U. of Gottingen). 

Prof. Dr. WALTER SCHUCKING (International Law, U. of Marburg). 

Prof. Dr. GEORG SIMMEL (Philosophy, U. of Berlin). 

Prof. Dr. WERNER SOMBART (Economics, Handelshochschule, Charlottenburg). 

Prof. Dr. CARL STUMPF,late Rector University of Berlin (Philosophy, U. of Berlin). 

Prof. Dr. G. THILENIUS, Gen. Sec. of the German Anthropological Society, 
Director of the Ethnological Museum of Hamburg (Anthropology and 
Ethnology, Hamburg). 

Prof. Dr. FERDINAND TONNIES (Sociology, U. of Kiel). 

Prof. Dr. C. UHLIG (Geography, U. of Berlin). 

Prof. Dr. v. ULLMANN (International Law, U. of Munich). 

Dr. A. VlERKANDT (Ethnology, U. of Berlin). 

Prof. Dr. WEULE, Director Leipzig Ethnological Museum (Ethnology, U. of Leipzig). 

Prof. Dr. JULIUS WOLF (Political Economy, U. of Breslau). 


Prof. ALBERT H. ABBOTT (Philosophy ; U. of Toronto). 
Dr. A. ABDURAHMAN, Cape Town. 


ISRAEL ABRAHAMS, M.A. (Talmudic, U. of Cambridge). 

Prof. S. ALEXANDER (Philosophy, U. of Manchester). 

JUSTIN CHARLES WILLIAM ALVAREZ, I.S.O., Tripoli, H.B.M.'s Consul-General 

for Tripoli of Barbary. 

THE OMANHENE AMONOO V., Anumabu, West Africa. 
The Rt. Rev. WALTER ANDREWS, D.D., Bishop of Hokkaido, Japan. 
Prof. EDWARD ANWYL, M.A. (Comparative Philology, U. College of Aberystwyth). 
The Rt. Rev. THOMAS HENRY ARMSTRONG, D.D., Bishop of Wangaratta. 


The Right Hon. W. F. BAILEY, C.B., F.R.G.S., Dublin. 

The Rt. Rev. CHRISTOPHER GEORGE BARLOW, D.D., Bishop of Goulburn. 
Prof. CHARLES F. BASTABLE, M.A., LL.D., (International Law, U. of Dublin). 
JOHN BEDDOE, M.D., LL.D., F.R.S., V.P.R.A.I., etc., late President Royal Anthro- 
pological Institute, Bradford-on-Avon. 
Sir HENRY ARTHUR BLAKE, G.C.M.G., Youghal (Ireland), late Governor 

Bahamas, Newfoundland, Jamaica, Hong-Kong, Ceylon. 

Rev. W. COPELAND BOWIE, London, Sec. British and Foreign Unitarian Association. 
Prof. GEORGE SIDNEY BRETT, M.A. (Philosophy, U. of Toronto). 
Rev. DAVID BROOK, M.A., D.C.L. (Oxon), Southport, ex-President National Free 

Church Council. 

Prof. J. BROUGH, LL.D. (Philosophy, U. College of Aberystwyth). 
The Hon. JOSEPH PETER BROWN, Cape Coast Castle, West Africa. 
Sir CHARLES BRUCE, G.C.M.G., J.P., D.L., Leslie, late Governor of Mauritius. 
Prof. THOMAS H. BRYCE, M.A., M.D. (Anatomy, U. of Glasgow). 
Prof. T. L. BULLOCK, M.A. (Chinese, U. of Oxford). 

Sir PERCY BUNTING, M.A., London, Editor of the Contemporary Review. 
The Rt. Rev. HERBERT BURY, D.D. (Oxon), Bishop of British Honduras with 

Central America. 

WILLIAM P. BYLES, M.P., London. 
Mrs. W. P. BYLES, London. 
CHARLES CALLAWAY, M.A., D.Sc., Cheltenham. 
EDWARD CARPENTER, Author, Sheffield. 

Prof. J. ESTLIN CARPENTER, D.Litt, Principal of Manchester College, U. of Oxford. 
ROGER CASEMENT, C.M.G., Consul-General at Rio de Janeiro. 
JOSEPH CHARLES CASSON, Superintendent of Native Affairs, Zomba, Nyasaland. 
The Rt. Rev. ARTHUR CHANDLER, Bishop of Bloemfontein, Orange Free State. 
Prof. S. J. CHAPMAN, M.A. (Political Economy, U. of Manchester). 
GEORGE G. CHISHOLM, M.A., B.Sc. (Geography, U. of Edinburgh). 
The Most Rev. HENRY LOWTHER CLARKE, Archbishop of Melbourne. 
Rev. JOHN CLIFFORD, M.A., LL.D., D.D., London. 
EDWARD CLODD, Author, London. 
STANTON COIT, Ph.D., London. 
ROBERT J. COLENSO, M.D. (Oxon), etc., London. 
Dr. FRANK CORNER, F.G.S., F.R.A.I.,M.R.C.S., London. 
W. L. COURTNEY, M.A., LL.D., London, Editor of the Fortnightly Review. 
WILLIAM CROOKE, B.A., F.R.A.I., M.F.L.S., Cheltenham. 
Major S. LYLE CUMMINS, R.A.M.C., F.R.A.I., Netley, Hants. 
Dr. W. EVANS DARBY, London, Secretary of the Peace Society, Member of the 

International Peace Bureau. 

Canon G. DAUTH, Vice- Rector of the University of Laval, Montreal. 
Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS, M.A., Ashton-on -Mersey, Hon. Sec. Pali Text Society. 
Prof. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, F.B.A., LL.D., Ph.D. (Comparative Religion, U. of 


Rev. J. G. DAVIES, Barmouth, Sec. Welsh Calvinistic Methodist General Assembly. 
Prof. T. WITTON DAVIES, Ph.D., D.D. (Semitic Languages, U. College Bangor). 
W. BOYD DAWKINS, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.G.S., F.R.A.I., Hon. Professor 

of Palaeontology in U. of Manchester. 
Mrs. C. DESPARD, London. 

ROBERT DONALD, London, Editor of the Daily Chronicle. 
The Most Rev. ST. CLAIR G. DONALDSON, Archbishop of Brisbane, Queensland. 


The Rt. Rev. JOHN P. Du MOULIN, Bishop of Niagara, Canada. 

The Rt. Rev. A. H. DUNN, D.D., Bishop of Quebec, Canada. 

The Rt. Rev. Dr. F. H. DUVERET, D.D., Bishop of Caledonia. 

Rev. CHARLES S. EBY, D.D., Sec. Peace and Arbitration Society, Toronto. 

Prof. EDWARD EDWARDS, M.A. (History, U. College of Aberystwyth). 

The Rt Hon. Sir EDWIN EGERTON,G.C.M.G., K.C.B., York, late British Ambassador 

at Rome. 

ROBERT WILLIAM FELKIN, M.D., F.R.S.E., F.R.G.S. ; F.R.A.I., London. 
Prof. HENRY O. FORBES, LL.D., F.R.G.S., F.R.A.I., Director of Liverpool City 

Museums (Ethnography, U. of Liverpool). 

The Rt. Rev. GEORGE H. FORDHAM, D.D., Bishop of North Queensland. 
Rev. J. R. FREDERICK, Native Wesleyan Minister, Sierra Leone. 
ALFRED G. GARDINER, London, Editor of the Daily News. 
Rev. T. MONRO GIBSON, M.A., D.D., L.L.D., late President National Free Church 



The Rt Rev. FREDERICK GOLDSMITH, D.D., Bishop of Bunbury, Western Australia. 
GEORGE PEABODY GOOCH, M.A., late M.P., London. 
Prof. HENRY GOUDY, M.A,, D.C.L., LL.D. (Civil Law, U. of Oxford). 
Prof. FRANK GRANGER, D.Litt. (Philosophy, U. College of Nottingham). 
Prof. ARTHUR J. GRANT, M.A. (History, U. of Leeds). 
J. FREDERICK GREEN, London, Member of International Peace Bureau, Secretary 

of International Peace and Arbitration Association. 

The Rt. Rev. JOHN GRISDALE, D.D., D.C.L., Bishop of Qu'appelle, Canada. 
Dr. HADEN GUEST, London. 

H ADIR-UD-DEEN, Sec. Government Mohammedan Board of Education, Sierra Leone. 
The Most Rev. CHARLES HAMILTON, D.D., Archbishop of Ottawa. 
Rev. JAMES HASTINGS, M.A., D.D., St. Cyrus, Scotland. 
Prof. MATTHEW HAY, M.D., F.R.A.I. (Forensic Medicine, U. of Aberdeen). 
Prof. F. J. C. HEARNSHAW, M.A., LL.B. (History, U. College of Southampton). 
CARL HEATH, London, Sec. National Peace Council. 
Rev. ARCHIBALD HENDERSON, D.D., Crieff, Moderator of Assembly of the United 

Free Church of Scotland. 

D. F. A. HERVEY, C.M.G., R.A.S., F.R.G.S., F.R.A.I., Aldeburgh. 
ALEXANDER PEARCE HIGGINS (International Law, Cambridge and London). 
Prof. R. F. ALFRED HOERNL (Philosophy, S. African College, Cape Town). 
Prof. HOPE W. HOGG, M.A., B.Litt (Semitic Languages and Literature, U. of 


A. C. HOLLIS, Secretary Native Affairs, Nairoli, E. Africa Protectorate. 
The Rt. Rev. WILFRID BIRD HORNBY, D.D., Bishop of Nassau, Bahamas. 
Rev. Dr. R. F. HORTON, M.A., London, late Chairman of Congregational Union 

of England and Wales. 

The Rt Rev. GEOFFREY D. ILIFF, D.D., Bishop of Shantung, N. China. 
The Hon. Sir JAMES ROSE-!NNES, K.C., Chief Justice of the Transvaal, Pretoria. 
- HUGH, Editor The Voice, St Lucia, British W. Africa. 
The Rt. Rev. JAMES JOHNSON, D.D., Bishop of Western Equatorial Africa. 
Sir HARRY H. JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., D.Sc., etc., etc., Arundel, Sussex. 
Rev. J. D. JONES, M.D., B.D., Bournemouth, President Congregational Union. 
Prof. W. JENKYN JONES, M.A. (Political Science, U. College, Aberystwyth). 
Prof. CHARLES H. KEITH JOPP (Maratta, U. of Oxford). 
A. H. KEANE, LL.D., F.R.A.I., London. 

The Rt. Rev. G. LANCHESTER KING, D.D., Bishop of Madagascar. 
Dr. Louis LABERGE, Montreal. 

The Rt Rev. GERARD H. LANDER, D.D., Bishop of Victoria, Hong Kong. 
Rev. WILLIAM B. LARK, Bude, President of the United Methodist Church. 
Prof. ROBERT LATTA, Ph.D. (Logic and Rhetoric, U. of Glasgow). 
ALFRED LIONEL LEWIS, F.C.A., F.R.A.I., Wallington, Surrey. 
Rev. J. SCOTT LIDGETT, M.A., D.D., late President Wesleyan Methodist Confer- 
ence and late President National Free Church Council. 
The Rt Rev. JOSEPH LOFTHOUSE, Bishop of Keewatin, Canada. 
Prof. JOSEPH HENRY LONGFORD, late H.M. Consul at Nagasaki (Japanese, King's 

College, London). 
Dr. J. J. McCLURE, Cape Town, Ex-Moderator Presbyterian Church of S. Africa. 


Prof. J. FREDERICK McCuRDY (Oriental Languages, U. of Toronto). 

A. C. MACDONALD, F.R.G.S., F.R.Hist.Soc., F.I.Inst., Melbourne. 

J. A. MURRAY MACDONALD, M.A., M.P., London. 

Sir JOHN MACDONELL, C.B., LL.D, M.A. (International Law, U. of London). 

Prof. J. S. MACKENZIE (Philosophy, U. College, Cardiff). 

HENRY ELLIOT MALDEN, M.A., London, Hon. Sec. Royal Historical Society. 

JOSEPH MALINS, J.P., Birmingham, Grand Chief Templar for England of the 
International Order of Good Templars. 

ALFRED MANGENA, of Zululand, Barrister, Pretoria. 

HENRY COLLEY MARCH, M.D., F. R.A.I., Dorchester. 

Rev. JOHN TURNER MARSHALL, M.A., D.D., Manchester, President Baptist Church. 

R. H. MARTEN, M.D., F.R.A.I., Adelaide, S. Australia. 

H. W. MASSINGHAM, London, Editor of the Nation. 


The Most Rev. S.PRlTCHARDMATHESON,D.D.,Archbishopof Rupert's Land, Canada. 

The Rt. Rev. JOHN EDWARD MERCER, D.D., Bishop of Tasmania. 

J. C. MILLINGTON, M.A., London. 

P. CHALMERS MITCHELL, M.A., D.Sc., LL.D., F.R.S., London, Sec. Zoological Soc. 

Prof. WILLIAM MITCHELL (Philosophy, U. of Adelaide). 

The Rev. J. S. MOFFAT, C.M.G., Cape Town, late South African Missionary and 

Resident Magistrate. 
The Rt. Rev. HERBERT JAMES MOLONY, D.D., Bishop in Chekiang, China. 

E. D. MOREL, London. 

FELIX MOSCHELES, London, Chairman of International Arbitration and Peace 
Association, Member of the International Peace Bureau. 

The Rt. Rev. H. CARR GLYN MOULE, D.D., Bishop of Durham. 
The Rt. Rev. W. ROBERT MOUNSEY, Bishop of Labuan and Sarawak. 

CHARLES S. MYERS, M.A., M.D.,Sc.D. (Experimental Psychology, U. of Cambridge). 
The Rt. Rev. SAMUEL TARRATT NEVILL, D.D., Bishop of Dunedin and Primate 
of New Zealand. 

H. W. NEVINSON, War Correspondent, London. 

Prof. REYNOLD ALLEYNE NICHOLSON, LittD. (Persian, U. of Cambridge). 

Prof. L. OPPENHEIM, M.A., LL.D. (International Law, U. of Cambridge). 

ERNEST PARKE, J.P., London, Editor of the Morning Leader. 

CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., District Commissioner in S. Nigeria. 

Prof. A. MELVILLE PATERSON, M.D., F.R.A.I. (Anatomy, U. of Liverpool). 

FRANCIS JOHN PAYNE, London, Hon. Gen. Sec. Buddhist Society of Great Britain 

and Ireland, Editor of the Buddhist Review. 
The Rt. Rev. JOHN PERCIVAL, D.D., Bishop of Hereford. 
J. S. R. PHILLIPS, Leeds, Editor of the Yorkshire Post. 

The Rt. Rev. W. CYPRIAN PINKHAM, D.D., D.C.L., Bishop of Calgary, Canada. 
Capt. D. V. PIRIE, M.P., Member of the Inter- Parliamentary Council. 
Prof. THOMAS POWEL, M.A. (Celtic, U. College of Cardiff). 
The PRESIDENT Gold Coast Aborigines Society, Cape Coast Castle, W. Africa. 
The Rt. Rev. H. M. C. E. PRICE, Bishop in Fuhkien, S. China. 
Miss B. PULLEN-BURRY, F.R.A.I., Croydon. 
ERNEST G. RAVENSTEIN, Ph.D., F.R.G.S., F.R.A.I., London. 
Col. HERBERT EDWARD RAWSON, C.B., York, late Imperial Representative Natal 

Native Affairs Commission. 

Prof. WILLIAM RIDGEWAY, M.A., D.Sc., President Royal Anthropological Insti- 
tute (Archceology, U. of Cambridge). 
The Most Rev. JAMES ROBERTSON, D.D., Prestonkirk, Moderator of the General 

Assembly of the Church of Scotland. 

W. C. F. ROBERTSON, Secretary Native Affairs, Gold Coast. 
M. EUGENE ROUILLARD, Publicist, Quebec. 
The Hon. ADOLPHE B. ROUTHIER, Judge of the Court of Admiralty at Quebec 

(International Law, U. of Laval). 

Sir EDWARD R. RUSSELL, Liverpool, Editor of the Liverpool Daily Post. 
JOHN RUSSELL, M.A., London. 
SAMUEL SACOOM, Axim, Gold Coast, W. Africa. 

Sir FREDERICK R. ST. JOHN, K.C.M.G., Shanklin, late Minister Plenipotentiary. 
C. W. SALEEBY, M.D., F.R.S.E., London. 
The Hon. JOHN MENSAH SARBAH, Cape Coast Castle, W. Africa. 


The Hon. Sir FRANCIS C. SCANLEN, K.C.M.G., Salisbury, Rhodesia, late Adminis- 
trator of Rhodesia. 

F. C. S. SCHILLER, M.A., D.Sc. (Philosophy, U. of Oxford). 

OLIVE SCHREINER, Author, Cape Colony. 

C. P. SCOTT, J.P., Manchester, Editor of the Manchester Guardian. 

Rev. THOMAS G. SELBV, Missionary and Traveller in China, Bromley, Kent. 


Sir HENRY SETON-KARR, C.M.G., J.P., London. 

H. W. SETON-KARR, F.R.G.S., F.R.A.I., London. 


WALTER W. SKEAT, M.A., F.R.A.I., St. Albans. 

J. W. SLAUGHTER, Ph.D., London. 

The Rev. Canon F. C. SMITH, Sierra Leone. 

The Rt. Rev. W. E. SMYTH, M.A., M.B., Bishop of Lebombo, Lourenc,o Marques. 

Mrs. JULIA F. SOLLY, Cape Colony. 

Mrs. SAUL SOLOMON, of Cape Colony, London. 

Capt. BOYLE T. SOMERVILLE, R.N., F.R.A.I., Tenby, S. Wales. 

The Hon. Sir R. STOUT, K.C.M.G., Chief Justice of New Zealand, late Premier. 

The Rt. Rev. HERBERT TAGWELL, D.D., Bishop in W. Eq. Africa, S. Nigeria. 

Prof. F. ROBERT TENNANT, D.D., B.Sc. (Philosophy of Religion, U. of Cambridge). 

The Hon. JONATHAN JAMES THOMAS, C.M.G., Unofficial Member of the Legis- 
lative Council of Serria Leone. 


Prof. ARTHUR THOMSON, M.B. (Human Anatomy, U. of Oxford). 

BASIL THOMSON, London, late Colonial Service, late Prime Minister of Tonga. 

Rev. W. T. TOWNSEND, D.D., late President of National Free Church Council and 
of United Methodist Church. 

Rev. JAMES TRAVIS, Chester, ex-President Primitive Methodist Conference, ex- 
President National Free Church Council. 

The Rt. Rev. A. B. TURNER, D.D., Bishop of Corea. 

Prof. E. J. URWICK (Political Economy, King's College, London). 

Dr. R. VILLECOURT, Montreal. 

Prof. PAUL VINOGRADOFF, M.A., F.B.A., LL.D. (Jurisprudence, U. of Oxford). 

Rev. THOMAS A. WALKER, LL.D., LitLD. (International Law, U. of Cambridge). 


H. G. WELLS, B.Sc., Author, London. 

The Rt. Rev. GILBERT WHITE, Bishop of Carpentaria, Queensland. 

The Rt. Rev. CECIL WILSON, D.D., Bishop of Melanesia, Norfolk Island. 

BERTRAM C. A. WINDLE, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S., President of U. College, Cork. 

Sir JAMES S. WINTER, K.C.M.G., K.C., St. John's (Newfoundland), late Speaker, 
Solicitor-General, Attorney-General, Judge of Supreme Court, and Premier. 

Prof. GEORGE M. WRONG (History, U. of Toronto) 

ISRAEL ZANGWILL, London, President International Jewish Territorial Organi- 

A. E. ZIMMERN, M.A., Surbiton, late Fellow and Tutr of New College, Oxford. 

(b) INDIA.* 

SYED ABUL AAs, M.A.S., Zemindar and Hon. Magistrate, Bankipur. 
The Hon. Mr. P. S. SIVASWANY AIYER, C.I. E., Advocate-General, Madras. 
SIR ARUNDEL T. ARVNDEL, K. C.S.I., Woking, late Member of the Council of the 

Viceroy of India. 

SURENDRANATH BANERJEE, Calcutta, Editor of Bengalee. 
Sir DAVID M. BARBOUR, K.C.S.I., K.C.M.G., Crawley Down. 
Mrs. ANNIE BESANT, Adyar, President of the Theosophical Society. 
SRISH CHANDRA BISWA, B.A., B.L., Calcutta, Pleader, Editor of Lawyer. 
BUSSANTA COOMAR BOSE, Pleader, High Court, Calcutta. 
DIWAN TEK CHAND, B.A., I.C.S., M.R.A.S., Deputy Commissioner in the Punjab, 

Revenue Minister, Baroda. 

AMANDA K. COOMARASWAMY, D.Sc., F.G.S., F.L.S., Broad Campden. 
HARRY EVAN AUGUSTS COTTON, London, Editor of India. 

See also Hon. Vice* Presidents and Executive Committee. 


Sir HENRY JOHN STEDMAN COTTON, K.C.S.I., London, late Chief-Commissioner 

of Assam. 

ISWAS DAS, Advocate., Chief Court, Lahore. 
The Hon. M. S. DAS, C.I.E., M.A., M.R.A.S., Cuttack, Member of Bengal Legisla- 

lative Council. 

The Rt. Rev. C. J. FERGUSON DAVIE, D.D., Bishop of Singapore. 
Sir V. C. DESIKA-CHARRY, B.A., B.L., F.M.U., Judge of the Court of Small Causes, 


The Hon. H. S. DIKSHIT, B.A., LL.B., Solicitor, Bombay. 
J. C. DUTT, M.A., B.L., Calcutta. 

Prof. S. M. EDWARDES, I.S.S., President Anthropological Society of Bombay. 
The Rt. Rev. ROLLESTONE S. FYFFE, D.D., Bishop of Rangoon. 
E. A. GAIT, C.I.E., Simla, Census Commissioner for India. 
MOHANDAS KARAMCHAND GANDHI, Johannesburg, Barrister-at-Law. 
Prof. M. A. GHANI, M.A. (English Literature, Islamic College, Lahore). 
Prof. JOGENDRA CHUNDER CHOSE, M.H., B.L., Bhowanipore, Tagore Prof, of Law, 

Pleader High Court, late Member Bengal Legislative Council. 
The Rt. Rev. CHARLES HOPE GILL, M.A., D.D., Bishop in Travancore and 

The Hon. G. K. GOKHALE, C.I.E., Poona, Representative of non-official Members 

of Bombay Legislature on Viceroy's Legislative Council, late President of 

Indian Congress. 

The Hon. KISORI LAL GOSWAMI, Rai Bahadur, M.A., B.L., Serampore, India. 
Dr. A. F. R. HOERNLE, M.A., C.I.E., Oxford. 
Sir FREDERICK RUSSELL HOGG, K.C.I. E., C.S.I., London, late Director-General 

Post Office of India. 

Col. Sir THOMAS HOLDICH, K.C.M.G., K.C.I.E., C.B., D.Sc. 
Sir THOMAS H. HOLLAND, K.C.I.E., D.Sc., F.R.S., late Director of the Geological 

Survey of India and President Asiatic Society of Bengal (Geology and 

Mineralogy, U. of Manchester). 

T. HUSAIN, M.A., M. R. A. S., Arabic College, Lucknow. 

M. ADINARAYANA I YAH, Rao Bahadur, Retired District Commissioner, Madras. 
The Hon. V. KRISHNASWAMY IYER, Judge of the High Court, Madras. 
T. SADASIVA IYER, B.A., M.L., F.I.S., Chief Justice, High Court, Travancore. 
Sir S. SUBRAMANIA IYER, K.C.I.E., LL.D., Judge of Madras High Court. 
Sir H. EVAN M. JAMES, K.C.I. E., C.S.I., late Under-Secretary to Government of 

Bombay, late Member of Governor-General's Legislative Council. 
Sir JOHN JARDINE, K.C.I.E., LL.D., M.P., Godalming, late Acting Chief Justice, 

Bombay, and Vice-Chancellor University of Bombay. 
JAMES KENNEDY, I.C.S. (retired), London. 

TAW SEIN Ko, M.R.A.S., Office of Superintendent Archaeological Survey, Burma. 
MANGBSH BAL KOLASKER, M.R.A.S., Barrister, High Court, Bombay. 
The Hon. SHADI LAL, M.A., B.C.L. (Oxon.), Rai Bahadur, Barrister, Lahore. 
The Rt. Rev. GEORGE A. LEFROY, D.D., Bishop of Lahore. 

Sir FREDERIC S. P. LELY, K.C.I.E., Sevenoaks, late Member of Viceroy's Legis- 
lative Council and Chief Commissioner Central Provinces. 
FRANKLIN MARSTON LESLIE, B.A., Solicitor, Calcutta. 
Sir ROPER LETHBRIDGE, K.C.I.E., M.A., J.P., D.L., Exbourne, late Secretary 

Simla Education Commission and Indian Political Agent. 
Prof. C. S. MAHALANOBIS, B.Sc, F.R.M.S., F.R.S.E., Calcutta University. 
Prof. D. N. MALLIK, B.A., Sc.D., F.R.S.E., Presidency College, Calcutta. 
Sir WILLIAM MARKBY, D.C.L., K.C.I. E., Oxford, late Judge of High Court, 

Calcutta, late Reader in Indian Law, Oxford. 
J. H. MARSHALL, M.A., Director-General of Archaeology for India. 
B. C. MAZUMDAR, B.A., B.L., M.R.A.S., Vakil High Court, Sambalpur. 
BHASKARRAO V. MEHTA, M.A., LL.B., M.R.A.S., High Court Pleader, Bombay. 
R. D. MEHTA, C.I.E., J.P., Calcutta. 

S. M. MITRA, M.R.A.S., London, late Editor of The Deccan Post. 
Prof. KH. DlL MOHD, M.A. (Mathematics, Islamic College, Lahore). 
Sir THEODORE MORISON, K.C.I.E., Weybridge, Vice-President of Council of India. 
BRAJA LAL MUKHERJEE, M.A., M.LR.S., Attorney- at- Law, Calcutta. 
PHANIBHUSAN MUKERJI, B.Sc. (London), M.R.A.S., F.C.U., Inspector of 

Schools, Presidency Division, Bengal. 


Sir P. N. KRISHNA MURTI, K.C.I.E., Bangalore, late Prime Minister of Mysore 

State, late Deputy Commissioner and Judge of High Court. 
The Hon. C. SANKARAN NAIR, C.I.E., Judge of the High Court, Madras. 
R. NARASIMHACHAR, M.A.,M.R.A.S., Officer in Charge of Archaeological Researches 

in Mysore, Bangalore. 

Prof. J. W. NEILL (Indian Law, U. of London). 
Hon. N. SUBBARAO PANTULU, B.A., B.L., Member Imperial Legislative Council 

of India. 

T. RAMA KRISHNA PILLAI, B.A., F.M.W., F.R.Hist. Society (London), Madras. 
Lieut-Colonel JOHN POLLEN, C.I.E., LL.D., London, Hon. Sec. East India 

Association, President British Esperanto Association. 
GUYADHUR PRASAD, Patna, late Member Bengal Legislative Council. 
SHAIKH ABDUL QADIR, B.A., M.R.A.S., Barrister-at-Law, Lahore. 

Prof. LALA HANS RAJ, Principal of Dayanand Anglo- Vedic College, Lahore. 
R. RAGHUNATH Row, Divvan Bahadur, C.S.I., Madras Presidency. 
K. B. RAMAN ATHAN, M.A., B.L., L.T. (English, Pachaiyappa's College, Madras). 
C. HAYAVADANA RAO, B.A., B.L., Madras. 
Sir J. D. REES, K.C.S.I., C.V.O., C.I.E., J.P., London, late Additional Member of 

Governor-General of India's Council. 
Colonel H. RiVETT-CARNAC, C.I.E., F.S.A., Chateau de Rougemont, Switzerland, 

Corresponding Member of the Royal Academies of Spain, Sweden, Belgium, 


Sir J. GEORGE SCOTT, K.C.I.E., London, late Superintendent and Political Officer 

in Southern Shan States. 


Prof. BOHUVALLABHA SHASTRI, Headmaster, Sanskrit College, Calcutta. 
S. N. SINK A, Barrister-at-Law, Lucknow. 
R. K. SORABJI, M.A., Barrister-at-law, Officiating Principal, University School of 

Law, Allahabad. 
His Holiness SRI SUMANGALA, Hon. M.R.A.S., Colombo, Ceylon, Chief High 

Priest of Adam's Peak, Principal of Vidyodaya Oriental College. 
P. C TARAPORE, F.R.G.S., Barrister-at-Law, London. 
RATAN J. TATA, F.R.A.I., Bombay. 
Prof. MAUNG TIN TUT, Rangoon College. 
Prof. SATIS CHANDRA VIDYABHUSANA, M.A.,Ph.D., M.R.A.S. (Sanscrit, Presidency 

College, Calcutta). 

J. PH. VOGEL, Ph.D., Archaeological Department, Lahore. 

F.R.A.I., Hastings. 
Sir DONALD MACKENZIE WALLACE, K.C.I.E., K.C.V.O., London, late Private 

Secretary to Marquess of Dufferin and Marquess of Lansdowne as Viceroys 

of India, Member of Institut de Droit International. 
Sir RAYMOND WEST, K.C.I.E., LL.D., M.A., London, late Member of Bombay 

Government, Director of Royal Asiatic Society. 
The Rt. Rev. Foss WESTCOTT, D.D., Bishop of Chota Nagpore. 
The Rt. Rev. HENRY WHITEHEAD, D.D., Bishop of Madras. 
Don M. DE ZILVA WlCKREMASlNGHE (Tamil and Telugu, U. of Oxford). 
ABDULLAH Yusur-ALi, I.C.S., M.A., LL.M., M.R.A.S., Sultanpur. 


Prof. S. HADJI SoucA, Athens. 
Profc Dr. CYPARISSOS STEPHANOS, Rector of the University of Athens, 1908-9. 


Prof. LADISLAS BUZA (International Law, U. of SaVospatak). 

Prof. Dr. JENO" DE CHOLNOKY (Geography, U. of Kolozsva>). 

Director F. R. KEMNY, Budapest,' Member of the International Peace Bureau. 

Dr. MIKLOS KRAL, Budapest. 


Prof. GUILLAUME DE L.ERZ, Ministerial Councillor (International Law, U. of 


M. EMILE DE NAGY, Budapest, Deputy, Member of Inter-Parliamentary Council. 
Prof. Dr. FELIX SOMLO (International Law, U. of KolozsvaV). 
E. TORDAY, F.R.A.I., London. 
Prof. Dr. ALEXANDER VUTKOVICH (International Law, U. of Pozsony). 


Prof. DIONISIO ANZILOTTI (International Law, U. of Bologna). 

Prof. MICHELE BARILLARI (Philosophy of Law, U. of Naples). 

Prof. LANFRANCO BELLEGOTTI (International Law, U. of Pisa). 

Dr. GINO BERTOLINI, Barrister, Associate International Institute of Sociology. 

Prof. Dr. LUIGI BONELLI (Turkish, Persian, Oriental Institute, Naples). 

Prof. G. C. BUZZATI, Member of the Institut de Droit International (International 

Law, U. of Pavia). 

Prof. Dr. LUIGI CAPPELLETTI (Anthropology, U. of Ferrara). 
Prof. CARNAZZA-AMARI, Senator (International Law, U. of Catania). 
Prof. Dr. ENRICO CATELLANI (International Law, U. of Padua). 
Prof. ARRIGO CAVAGLIERI (International Law, Higher Institute, Florence). 
Prof. GUIDO CAVAGLIERI, Editor of the Ri-vista Italiana di Sociologia (Law of 

Administration, U. of Rome). 
Prof. P. CHIMIENTI, Deputy, late Under-Secretary of State (Constitutional Law, 

U. of Cagliari). 

Prof. EDOARDO CIMBALI (International Law, U. of Sassari). 
Prof. Dr. NAPOLEONE COLAJANNI (Statistics, U. of Naples). 

Marquis CHARLES COMPANS, deputy, Member of the Inter- Parliamentary Council. 
Prof. Dr. FRANCESCO PAOLO CONTUZZI (International Law, U. of Cagliari). 
Prof. ALESSANDRO CORSI (International Law, U. of Pisa). 
Prof. AMEDEO CRIVELLUCI (Modern History, U. of Pisa). 
Prof. NICOL6 D'ALFONSO (Philosophy, U. of Rome). 

Prof. RICCARDO DALLA-VOLTA, Director of the Institute of Social Sciences (Poli- 
tical Economy, Institute of Social Sciences, Florence). 
Prof. IL CONTE ANGELO DEGUBERNATIS, President of the International Union 

for Peace, Director of Oriental School, U. of Rome. 
Prof. GIORGIO DEL VECCHIO (Philosophy of Law, U. of Sassari). 
Prof. GIULIO DIENA, Associate of the Institut de Droit International 

national Law, U. of Turin). 
Prof. DONATO DON ATI (Constitutional and International Law, U.of Camerino). 
Prof. ANTONIO FALCHI (Philosophy of Law, U. of Perugia). 
Prof. PROSPERO FEDOZZI (International Law, U. of Genoa). 

Prof. ENRICO FERRI, Deputy (Criminal Law, U. of Rome). 
Prof. PASQUALE FIORE (International Law, U. of Naples). 
Prof. C. F. GABBA, Senator, late President of the Institut de Droit International 

(Philosophy of Law and Civil Law, U. of Pisa). 
Baron RAFFAELE GAROFALO, Senator, Attorney General at the Court of Appeal 

in Venice, President of the International Institute of Sociology. 
Prof. SCIPIONE GEMMA (International Law, U. of Siena). 

Dr. EDOARDO GIRETTI, Bricherasio, Member of the International Peace Bureau. 
Prof. Dr. GIACOMO GRP&SO (History of Treaties and Diplomacy, U. of Genoa). 
Prof. ALESSANDRO GROPPALI (Philosophy of Law, U. of Modena). 
Prof. IGNAZIO GUIDI, Hon. M.R.A.S., Director of Oriental School, Rome (Hebrew 

and Semitic Languages, U. of Rome). 

Prof. FERDINANDO LAGHI (International Law, U. of Parma). 
Prof. Dr. DAVID LEVi-MORENOS, Venice, 

Prof. Dr. RIDOLFO LIVI, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anthropology, U. of Rome). 
Prof. NOCENTINI LODOVICO (Literature of Extreme East, U. of Rome). 
Prof. ACHILLE LORIA (Political Economy, U. of Turin). 

Prof. MARIO MARTINI (International Law, U.of Rome). 
M. G. DEMARTINO, Senator, President of the Colonial Institute in Rome. 
Prof. Dr. GIUSEPPE MAZZARELLA (Ethnology, U. of Catania). 
Prof. VINCENZO MICELI (Philosophy of Law, U. of Palermo). 


Prof. GENNARO MONDAINI, Rome, Lecturer in Colonial History in the R. Istituto 
Superiore di Studi Commercial!, Coloniali et Attuariali in Rome, and Editor of 
the Rivista Colonials. 

Prof. Dr. FRANCESCO ORESTANO (Moral Philosophy, U. of Palermo). 

Prof. GUISEPPE OTTOLENGHI (International Law, U. of Turin). 

Prof. GIUSEPPE VADALA PAPALE (Philosophy of Law, U. of Catania). 

Prof. GUIDO PERRI (Japanese, Oriental Institute, Naples). 

Prof. Dr. FILIPPO PORENA (Geography, U. of Naples). 

Prof. Ill Conte FRANCESCO L. PULL (Comparative Philology, U. of Bologna). 

Prof. PIETRO RAGNISIO (Ethics, U. of Rome). 

Prof. GIUSEPPE RICCHIERI (Geography, Accademia Scientifico-Letteraria, Milan). 

Prof. NlCCOLO RODOLICO (History, R. Istituto di Scienze Sociali, Florence). 

Prof. Dr. GIACINTO ROMANO (Modern History, U. of Pavia). 

Prof. GIUSEPPE SALVIOLI ( Philosophy of Law, U. of Naples). 

Prof. MICHELANGELO SCHIPA (Modern History, U. of Naples). 

Prof. Dr. ANTONIO SCIALOIA (International Law, U. of Siena). 

Prof. GIUSEPPE SERGI, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anthropology, U. of Rome). 

Dr. SCIPIO SIGHELE, Florence. 

Dr. F. SQUILLACE, Professor at the Brussels Universite Nouvelle. 

Prof. A. TAMBURINI, President of the Society of Anthropology of Rome. 

Prof. MICHELANGELO VACCARO, Deputy (Philosophy of Law, U. of Rome). 

Prof. G. DALLA VEDOVA (Geography, U. of Rome). 

Prof. GIOVANNI VIDARI (Moral Philosophy, U. of Pavia). 

Prof. PASQUALE VILLARI, Senator (History, Higher Institute, Florence). 


Prof. M. ANESAKI (Philosophy of Religion, U. of Tokio). 

Prof. SIDNEY L. GULICK, American Board Mission, Kyoto, Japan. 

J. CAREY HALL, M.A., I.S.O., British Consul General, Yokohama, Japan. 

Prof. MASAO KAMBO (International Law, U. of Kyoto). 

Prof. Dr. GENCHI KATO (Science of Religion, U. of Tokio). 

Prof. Dr. RIKIZO NAKASHIMA (Ethics, U. of Tokio). 

Prof. SHIGEO SUYEHIRO (History of Politics, U. of Kyoto). 

Prof. Dr. TONGO TAKEBE (Sociology, U. of Tokio). 

Prof. Dr. TOMERI TANIMOTO (Pedagogy, U. of Kyoto). 

Prof. SANJCRO TOMONAGA (Philosophy, U. of Kyoto). 


AGUSTIN ARAG6N, Editor of the Revista Positiva, Mexico. 

M. Jos6 M.ARAMENDIA, Mexican Consul, Panama. 

Dr. GENARO GARCIA, Director of the National Museum of Archaeology, History, 

and Ethnology, Mexico. 

M. Lucio T. GUTIERREZ, Engineer, Guadalajara. 
Dr. PORFIRIO PARRA, Director of Secondary School, Mexico. 


Dr. J. H. ABENDANON, late Director of Public Instruction, Worship and Industry 
in the Netherlands East Indies, Associate of Institut Colonial International. 

Prof. Dr. F. J. DE BOER (Philosophy, U. of Amsterdam). 

Prof. Dr. P. D. CHANTEPIE DE LAAUSSAYE, President Royal Academy of Sciences 
of Amsterdam ( Theology, U. of Leiden). 

M. J. T. CREMER, Amsterdam, late Colonial Minister, President of the Nether- 
lands Society of Commerce, Member of the Institut Colonial International. 

Dr. C. TH. VAN DEVENTER, The Hague, Deputy, Member of Institut Colonial 

Prof. Dr. D. VAN EMBDEN (Economics and Statistics, U. of Amsterdam). 

Dr. P. H. EYKMAN, The Hague, Director of the Foundation for the Promotion of 

Dr. S. BAART DE LA FAILLE, The Hague, Member International Peace Bureau. 

Prof. Dr. M. TH. HOUTSMA, Hon. M.R.A.S. (Semitic, Languages, U. of Utrecht). 

Prof. H. KERN, Hon. M.R.A.S., late Professor of Sanskrit in Leiden University. 


Prof. J. DE LOUTER, Associate of Institut de Droit International (International 

Law, U. of Utrecht). 
M. E. MORESCO, The Hague, late Government Secretary of Dutch Indies, 

Lecturer at the Dutch Indies Academy of Colonial Administration, Associate 

Institut Colonial International. 

Prof. A. W. NIEUWENHUIS (Ethnography, U. of Leiden). 
Prof. Dr. C. SNOUCK-HURGRONJE, Councillor of the Colonial Office, Member of 

the Institut Colonial International (Arabic and Islam, U. of Ley den). 
Prof. Dr. A. A. H. STRUYCHEN (International Law, U. of Amsterdam). 

M. JULIO ARJONA, Nicaraguan Consul, Panama. 


Prof. Dr. BREDO v. MUNTHE AF MORGENSTIERNE (Law and Economics, U. of 

Prof. Dr. CHRISTEN COLLIN (Modern Literature, U. of Christiania). 

M. JOHN LUND, late President of the Norwegian Parliament, Vice-President of 
the Nobel Committee. 

Prof. FRIDTJOF NANSEN (Oceanography, U. of Christiania). 

Prof. Dr. YNGVAR NIELSEN (Ethnography, U. of Christiania). 

Prof. FREDRIK STANG, Member of the Norwegian Committee of the Inter- 
Parliamentary Union (Law, U. of Christiania). 



M. EULOGIO DELGADO, President Lima Geographical Society. 


Prof. CONDE DE FELGUEIRAS (Economic Legislation, U. of Coimbra). 

Dr. JoAO DE PAIVA, President of the Commercial Tribunal in Lisbon, Member of 
the Council of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, President of the Parliamentary 
Peace Group, President of the Portuguese Peace Association. 

Dr. Jos DA SlLVA PESSANHA, Lisbon (History of Art, School of Art). 

Prof. RUY ENNES ULRICH (Colonial Administration, U. of Coimbra). 


M. CHARLES GR. LAHOVARY, Bucharest, late Deputy, Secretary of the Roumanian 

Inter-Parliamentary Group. 

Prof. S. MEHEDINTI (Geography, U. of Bucharest). 
Prof. P. MlSSlR (International Law, U. of Jassy). 
Prof. C. THIRON (Medicine, U. of Jassy). 
Prof. VALERIAN URSIANU, Senator, Dean of Faculty of Law (International Law, 

U. of Bucharest). 
Prof. A. D. XENOPOL (History, U. of Jassy). 


Prof. D. ANOUTCHINE, President of the Soci&e Imperiale des Amis des Sciences 
Naturelles, d'Anthropologie et d'Ethnographie (Geography and Ethnography, 
U. of Moscow). 

M. H. ARAKELIAN, Tiflis, Member of the Russian Geographical Society and of 
the Paris Asiatic Society. 

+M. G. DEKANOZI, Montpellier, of Georgia, late Editor of Sakhartsvelo. 

Prof Dr. O. EICHELMANN, Conseiller d'Etat actuel (International Law, U. of Kieff). 

Prof. VLADIMIR E. GRABAR (International Law, U. of Dorpat). 

Prof. RAFAEL KARSTEN (Comparative Religion, U. of Helsingfors). 

Prof. P. KAZANSKY, Dean of Faculty of Law (International Law, U. of Odessa). 

Prof. N. LANGE (Philosophy, U. of Odessa). 


Prof. Baron BORIS NOLDE (International Law, U. of St. Petersburg). 

M. JACQUES Novicow, Odessa, late Vice-President of the International Institute 

of Sociology, Member of the International Peace Bureau. 
Prof. MICHEL SOBOLEFF (Political Economy, U. of Tomsk). 
M. TSERETHELI, London, of Georgia. 
Prof. Dr. RICHARD WEINBERG, St. Petersburg (Anatomy, Imperial Medical 

College for Women). 

Prof. ALEXANDER YASTCHENKO (International Law, U. of Dorpat). 
Dr. Louis L. ZAMENHOF, Warsaw, Author of the international language Esperanto. 

Prof. MILETA NOVAKOVITCH (International Law, U. of Belgrade). 


Prof. Dr. MANUEL TORRES CAMPOS, Member of the Institute of International 

Law (International Law, U. of Granada). 

Prof. GONZALO FERNANDEZ CORDOVA (International Law, U. of Valladolid). 
EDUARDO SANZ Y ESCARTIN, Senator, Secretary Royal Academy of Moral and 

Political Sciences, Madrid. 

SALVADOR CABEZA LEON (International Law, U. of Santiago). 
Josfc GASCON Y MARIN (International Law, U. of Saragossa). 
Prof. Dr. MANUEL SALES Y NEVV (Sociology, U. of Madrid). 
Prof. ANICETO SELA (Vice-Rector and International Law, U. of Oviedo). 


Dr. ERNST BECKMAN, Deputy, Member of the Inter- Parliamentary Council. 

Baron BONDE, Eriesberg, Deputy, President of the Swedish Committee of the 
Inter-Parliamentary Union. 

J. BROOMEE, Deputy, Member Swedish Committee of Inter-Parliamentary Union. 

Prof. Dr. PONTUS ERLAND FAHLBECK, Senator (Economics, U. of Lund). 

Baron Louis DE GEER, Kristiansand, Senator, Member of the Swedish Com- 
mittee of the Inter- Parliamentary Union. 

Prof. Dr. RUDOLF KJELLN (Staatswissenschaften, U. of Goteborg). 

Prof. Dr. PER EFRAIM LILJEQUIST (Practical Philosophy, U. of Lund). 

Dr. N. A. NILSSON, Orebro, Member of the International Peace Bureau. 

Prof. Dr. OTTO NORDENSKJOLD (Geography, U. of Goteborg). 

Prof. Dr. VITALIS NORSTROM (Philosophy, U. of Goteborg). 

M. K. H. GEZ. VON SCHELE, D.D., Ph.D., LL.D., Deputy, Bishop of Gothland, 
Member of the Swedish Committee of the Inter- Parliamentary Union. 

Prof. Dr. GUSTAF F. STEFFEN (Sociology, U. of Goteborg). 

EDVARD WAVRINSKY, Stockholm, Deputy, Member of Inter-Parliamentary 
Council, Chief of International Order of Good Templars. 


Prof. Dr. EDOUARD BEGUELIN (International Law, U. of Neuchatel). 

Prof. D. ALFRED BERTHOLET, General Secretary of the International Congresses 
of the History of Religions (Theology, U. of Basle). 

Prof. Dr. JEAN BRUNHES, Rector Fribourg University (Geography, U. of Fribourg). 

Dr. JULES DUCOMMUN, Berne, Treasurer of the International Peace Bureau. 

Prof: Dr. Fr. W. FOERSTER (Pedagogy, U. of Zurich). 

Prof. Dr. HANS VON FRISCH (International Law, U. of- Basle). 

Prof. FERDINAND GENTET (International Law, U. of Geneva). 

Dr. ALBERT GOBAT, Member of the National Council, Member of the Inter- 
Parliamentary Council, and Director and Member of the International Peace 
Bureau, Nobel Prize Laureate. 

Prof. Dr. EDUARD MOLLER HESS (Philosophy, U. of Berne). 

Prof. Dr. HARRY HOLLATZ (International I^aw, U. of Neuchatel). 

Prof. CHARLES KNAPP, Conservator of Ethnographical Museum (Geography, U. 
of NeuchAtel). 

Prof. Dr. J. KOLLMAN, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anatomy, U. of Basle). 

Prof. Dr. U. LAMPERT (International Law, U. of Fribourg). 

Prof. ALBERT LECL&RE (Philosophy, U. of Berne). 

GUSTAV MA IKK, Zurich, Author and Traveller. 


Prof. Dr. RUDOLF MARTIN, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anthropology, U. of Zurich). 

Prof. Dr. ANDR MERCIER, Associate of the Institut de Droit International 

(Criminal and International Law, U. of Lausanne). 
Prof. MAURICE MILLIOUD (Philosophy, U. of Lausanne). 
Prof. Dr. LUDWIG STEIN (Philosophy, U. of Berne). 
Prof. Dr. ALBERT TEICHMANN (International Law, U. of Basle). 
Prof. Dr. HANS T. WEHRLI (Geography and Ethnography, U. of Zurich). 


HOWARD T. BLISS, President Syrian Protestant College, Beyrouth. 

M. GARABET HAGOPIAN, M.R.A.S., London, Professor of Oriental Languages. 

ANTONIUS J. MANASSEH, B.Sc., M.D., Beyrout. 

M. RCHID SAFVET BEY, First Secrretay to the Turkish Embassay at Teheran. 

KHALIL SARKIS, Editor " Lissan-Ul-Hal," Beyrout. 


Prof. Dr. EPHRAIM D. ADAMS (History, Stanford U.). 

Prof. GEORGE BURTON ADAMS (History, Yale U.). 

Miss JANE ADDAMS, Hull House, Chicago. 

Prof. FELIX ADLER, Theodore Roosevelt Professor in Berlin, 1908-9 (Political 
and Social Ethics, Columbia U.). 

Prof. W. H. ALLISON (History, Bryn Mawr College). 

Prof. Dr. CLARENCE W. ALVORD (History, U. of Illinois). 

Prof. CHARLES M.ANDREWS (American Colonial History, Yale U.). 

Prof. CHARLES ARBUTHNOT (Economics, Western Reserve U.). 

Prof. CHARLES M. BAKEWELL (Philosophy, Yale U.). 

Prof. EMILY GREENE BALCH (Sociology, Wellesley College). 

Prof. JAMES MARK BALDWIN, Ph.D., D.Sc., LL.D. (Philosophy, John Hopkins U.). 

Governor the Hon. S. E. BALDWIN, LL.D. (International Law, Yale U.). 

Prof. EARL BARNES, Philadelphia. 

RICHARD BARTHOLDT, Member of the House of Representatives, Washington. 

Prof. Dr. JOHN SPENCER BASSETT (History, Smith College, Northampton). 

Prof. Rev. HARLAN P. BEACH, M.A., F.R.G.S. (Chinese and Theory and Practice 
of Missions, Yale U.). 

WILLIAM S. BENNET, Washington, U.S. House of Representatives, Immigration 

Prof. G. H. BLAKESLEE (History, Clark U.). 

Prof. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD (Comparative Philology, Johns Hopkins U.). 

Prof. FRANZ BOAS (Anthropology, Columbia U.). 

Prof. HERBERT E. BOLTON (American History, Stanford U.). 

Prof. HENRY E. BOURNE (History, Western Reserve U.). 

Prof. JAMES H. BREASTED (Egyptology, U. of Chicago). 

Prof. JULIAN P. BRETZ (American History, Cornell U.) 

Prof. DAVID J. BREWER, Justice Supreme Court of the United States (International 
Law, U. of Washington). 

JOHN GRAHAM BROOKS, New York, Author. 

Prof. CARL D. BUCK (Sanscrit and Comparative Philology, U. of Chicago). 

Prof. HOWARD W. CALDWELL, Ph.B., A.M. (American History, U. of Nebraska). 

Prof. MARY W. CALKINS (Philosophy, Wellesley College, Mass.). 

Mrs. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT, New York, President of the International Woman 
Suffrage Alliance. 

Prof. ALEXANDER F. CHAMBERLAIN (Anthropology, Clark U.). 

CHARLES W. CHESNUTT, Cleveland, Ohio. 

Prof. JOHN BATES CLARK (Political Economy, Columbia U.). 

Prof. GEORGE A. COE, Ph.D., LL.D., President of the Religious Education Asso- 
ciation, Union Theological Seminary, N.Y. 

Prof. CHARLES H. COOLEY (Sociology, U. of Michigan). 

Prof. ARTHUR L. CROSS (History, U. of Michigan). 

Prof. JAMES ELBERT CUTLER, Ph.D. (Sociology, Western Reserve U.). 

Prof. ARTHUR ERNEST DAVIES, B.D. (Philosophy, Ohio State U.). 

Prof. EDWARD H. DAVIS, S.B. (Economics, Purdue U.). 

Prof. JAMES QUAYLE DEALEY (Social and Political Science, Brown U.). 

Prof. GILBERT W. DENISTON (Political Science, U. of Southern California). 


Prof. Dr. ALFRED L. P. DENNIS (History, U. of Wisconsin). 

Prof. JOHN DEWEY (Philosophy, Columbia U.). 

Prof. WILLIAM E. DODD (American History, U. of Chicago). 

Prof. GEORGE A. DORSEY, Ph.D., LL.D. (Anthropology, U. of Chicago). 

Prof. EARLE W. Dow (History, U. of Michigan). 

Prof. GARRETT DROPPERS (Economics, Williams College). 

Prof. W. E. BURGHARDT DuBoiS (Economics and History, Atlanta U.). 

Prof. Dr. D. SHAW DUNCAN (History, U. of Denver). 

Prof. GEORGE M. DUTCHER, Ph.D. (History, Wesleyan U., Middletown). 

Rev. CALEB SAMUEL S. DUTTON, M.A., Brooklyn. 

Prof. SAMUEL T. DUTTON, Secretary of New York Peace Society (Columbia U.). 

Prof. EDWIN LEE EARP, Ph.D. (Sociology, Drew Theological Seminary, Madison). 

Brigadier-General CLARENCE R. EDWARDS, U.S. Army, Chief of the Bureau of 
Insular Affairs, War Department, Washington. 

Prof. CHARLES A. ELLWOOD (Sociology, U. of Missouri). 

Prof. Dr. LAWRENCE B. EVANS (History, Tufts College, Mass.). 

Prof. WALTER GOODNOW EVERETT (Philosophy, Brown U.). 

Prof. H. P. FAIRCHILD (Economics and Sociology, Bowdoin College, Brunswick). 

Prof. W. H. P. FAUNCE, President Brown University. 

Prof. FRANK A. FETTER (Economics, Cornell U.). 

Prof. J.WALTER FEWKES, Ph.D., President Anthropological Society of Washington. 

JOHN H. FINLEY, Ph.D., LL.D., President College of the City of New York. 

Prof. CARL RUSSELL FISH (History, U. of Wisconsin). 

Prof. IRVING FISHER (Political Economy, Yale U.). 

Prof. Dr. ALEXANDER C. FLICK (European History, Syracuse U.). 

Prof. GUY S. FORD (Modern European History, U. of Illinois). 

Prof. KUNO FRANCKE, LL.D. (History of German Culture, Harvard U.). 

Prof. Dr. JOHN FRYER (Oriental Languages and Literature, U. of California). 

Prof. HERBERT P. GALLINGER (History, Amherst College). 

Prof. GEORGE P. GARRISSON (American History, U. of Texas). 

Prof. FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS, LL.D. (Sociology, Columbia U.). 

EDWIN GINN, Boston, Founder of the International School of Peace. 

Prof. J. PAUL GOODE (Geography, U. of Chicago). 

Major-General AW. GREELY, Washington, Explorer, Member of the International 
Colonial Institute. 

The Hon. JOHN P. GREEN, ex-Judge, ex-Senator, Barrister, Cleveland. 

Prof. CHARLES NOBLE GREGORY, M.A., LL.D., Chairman of Standing Com- 
mittee on International Law of American Bar Association (Dean of College of 
Law, International Law, U. of Iowa). 

ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKE, President of the American Negro Academy. 

Dr. Louis GROSSMANN, Rabbi (Ethics, Hebrew Union College). 

Prof. Dr. EDWIN A. GROSVENOR (International Law, Amherst College). 

Prof. J. E. HAGERTY (Sociology, Ohio State U.) 

Prof. THOMAS C. HALL (Christian Ethics, Union Theological Seminary, N.Y.). 


Prof. LEWIS H. HANEY (Economics, U. of Michigan). 

Prof. EDWARD GARY HAYES (Sociology, U. of Illinois). 

Prof. AMY HEWES (Sociology, Mount Holyoke College, Mass.). 

Prof. HOMER C. HOCKETT (American History, Ohio State U.). 

HAMILTON HOLT, Managing-Editor of " The Independent," N.Y. 

Prof. HERMAN H. HORNE (Pedagogy, U. of New York). 

W. L. HOUSTON, Grand Master of the Grand United Order of Odd-Fellows in 
America, Washington. 

Prof. GEORGE E. HOWARD (Sociology, U. of Nebraska). 

Prof. IRA W. HOWERTH (Sociology, U. of Chicago). 

W. W. HUSBAND, Secretary of the Immigration Commission, Washington. 

Prof. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON (Indo- Iranian Languages, Columbia U.). 

Prof. EDMUND J. JAMES, President of the University of Illinois. 

Prof. ALBERT ERNST JENKS (Anthropology, U. of Minnesota). 

Prof. T. W. JENKS, Immigration Commissioner (Political Economy, Cornell U.). 

Prof. Dr. A. JOHNSON (History and Political Science, Bowdoin College, Brunswick). 

Prof. HENRY JOHNSON (History, Columbia University). 

Prof. Dr. ALBERT G. KELLER (Science of Society, Yale U.). 

Prof. CARL KELSEY (Sociology, U. of Pennsylvania). 


Prof. E. W. KEMMERER (Economics, Cornell U.). 

Prof. CLYDE L. KING (Economics and Sociology, U. of Colorado). 

Prof. Dr. DAVID KINLEY (Economics, U. of Illinois). 

Prof. GEORGE WELLS KNIGHT (American History, Ohio State U.). 

Prof. A. L. KROEBER (Anthropology, U. of California). 

Prof. CHARLES R. LANMAN (Sanscrit, Harvard U.). 

Prof. J. LAWRENCE LAUGHLIN (Political Economy, U. of Chicago). 

Mr. U. J. LEDOUX, International School of Peace, Boston, Mass. 

Prof. ALFRED HENRY LLOYD (Philosophy, U. of Michigan). 

Prof. WILLIAM MACDONALD (American History, Brown U.). 

ALFRED W. MARTIN, Associate Leader New York Society for Ethical Culture. 

EDWIN D. MEAD, Boston, Member of International Peace Bureau. 

Prof. GEORGE H. MEAD (Philosophy, U. of Chicago). 

Prof. EDMOND S. MEANY, M.S., M.L. (History, U. of Washington). 

Prof. SIDNEY E. MEZES (Philosophy, Austin U.). 

Prof. ADOLPH CASPAR MILLER (Political Economy, U. of California). 

Prof. MERTON LELAND MILLER, Chief of Ethnological Division, Bureau of 

Science, Manilla, Philippines. 

Prof HENRY RAYMOND MUSSEY (Economics, Columbia U.). 
CHARLES P. NEILL, Immigration Commissioner, Washington. 
Prof. WILLIAM JESSE NEWLIN, M.A. (Philosophy, Amherst College). 
Prof. H. A. OVERSTREET (Philosophy, U. of California). 
FRANK C. PARTRIDGE, Law Office, Proctor, Vermont. 
CHARLES PEABODY, Ph.D., F.R.A.I., Peabody Museum, Harvard University. 
Prof. GEORGE F. PEABODY, New York. 

Rev. Prof. ISMAR J. PERITZ, Ph.D. (Semitic Languages, Syracuse U.). 
Prof. RALPH B. PERRY (Philosophy, Harvard U.). 

Prof. ULRICH B. PHILLIPS (History and Political Science, U. of Louisiana). 
Prof. W. B. PILLSBURY (Philosophy, U. of Michigan). 
Prof. F. W. PUTNAM, Hon. Curator Peabody Museum of American Archaeology 

and Ethnology at Harvard University. 

Prof. SAMUEL NICHOLAS REEP, M.A. (Sociology, U. of Minnesota). 
Prof. OLIVER HUNTINGTON RICHARDSON, Ph.D. (History, U. of Washington). 
Prof. THOMAS J. RILEY (Sociology, U. of St. Louis). 

Prof. ALLAN ROBERTS (History and Political Science, Lafayette College). 
Prof. E. VAN DYKE ROBINSON (Economics, U. of Minnesota). 
Prof. Dr. JAMES H. ROBINSON (History, Columbia U.). 
Prof. JAMES E. LE ROSSIGNOL (Economics, U. of Denver). 
Prof. Dr. L. S. ROWE (Political Science, U. of Pennsylvania). 
WILLIAM M. S ALTER (Philosophy, U. of Chicago). 
Prof. WILLIAM A. SCHAPER (Political Science,\J. of Minnesota). 
Prof. Louis BERNARD SCHMIDT (History, Iowa State College). 
Prof. NATHANIEL SCHMIDT (Semitic Literature, Cornell U.). 
Prof. GEORGE W. SCOTT (International Law, Columbia U.). 
Prof. W. A. SCOTT (Economics, U. of Wisconsin). 
Prof. EDWIN R. SELIGMAN (Economics, Columbia U.). 
Prof. WILLIAM R. SHEPHERD (History, Columbia U.). 
Prof. ALBION W. SMALL, Editor of the American Journal of Sociology (Dean of 

Arts and Literature, Sociology, U. of Chicago). 
Prof. Dr. HARRISON S. SMALLEY (Economics, U. of Michigan). 
C. SPRAGUE SMITH, Seal Harbor, Managing-Director Ethical and Social League. 
Prof. J. RUSSELL SMITH (Geography, U. of Pennsylvania). 
Prof. SAMUEL G. SMITH (Sociology and Anthropology, U. of Minnesota). 
Prof. EDWIN D. STARBUCK (Philosophy, U. of Iowa). 
Prof. E. L. STEVENSON, Ph.D. (History, Rutgers College). 
Prof. WILLIAM GRAHAM SUMNER (Sociology, Yale U.). 
Prof. ELLEN BLISS TALBOT (Philosophy, Mount Holyoke College, Mass.). 
ROBERT H. TERRELL, Judge, Washington. 
Prof. FRANK THILLY, LL.D. (Philosophy, Cornell U.). 
Prof. W. I. THOMAS (Sociology, U. of Chicago). 
Prof. CHARLES F. THWING, President Western Reserve University. 
Prof. WALTER S. TOWER (Geography, U. of Pennsylvania). 
Prof. NORMAN MACLAREN TRENHOLME, M.A., Ph.D. (History, U. of Missouri). 


BENJAMIN F. TRUEBLOOD, LL.D., Secretary of the American Peace Society, 

Member of the International Peace Bureau. 
Prof. EDSON V. TUCKEY (Economics and Sociology, Syracuse U.). 
Prof. JAMES HAYDEN TUFTS (Philosophy, U. of Chicago). 
Prof. JOHN MARTIN VINCENT (European History, Johns Hopkins U.). 
CHARLES D. WALCOTT, President of Washington Academy of Sciences, Vice- 

Presidentof National Academy of Sciences, Secretary of Smithsonian Institution- 
Prof. ULYSSES G. WEATHERLY (Sociology, U. of Indiana). 
Prof. HUTTON WEBSTER (Social Anthropology, U. of Nebraska). 
Prof. HERBERT WELCH, D.D., LL.D., President Ohio Wesleyan University. 
Prof. R. M. WENLEY, Sc.D., Litt.D., LL.D. (Philosophy, U. of Michigan). 
Prof. WILLIS MASON WEST, M.A. (History, U of Minnesota). 
Prof. NATHAN WESTON (Economics, U. of Illinois). 
Prof. GEORGIA L. WHITE (Economics, Smith College, Northampton). 
The Hon. JAMES GUSTAVUS WHITELEY, late Consul-General Belgian Congo, 

Associate of the Institut de Droit International. 
Prof. ALBERT C. WHITTAKER (Economics, Stanford U.). 
Prof. BURT G. WILDER, M.D. (Neurology, Cornell U.). 
Prof. WALTER F. WiLLCOX (Political Economy and Statistics, Cornell U.). 
Prof. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Modern Oriental History, Yale U-). 
Prof. HENRY HORACE WILLIAMS (Philosophy, U. of Carolina). 
Prof. Dr. CH. C. WILLIAMSON (Economics and Politics, Bryn Mawr College). 
Prof. W.W. WlLLOUGHBY, Ph.D. (Political Science, Johns Hopkins U.). 
Prof. GEORGE GRAFTON WILSON (International Law, Brown U.). 
Prof. A. P. WINSTON (Economics, Washington, U.). 
Dr. STEPHEN S. WISE, The Free Synagogue, New York. 
Prof. JAMES WITHROW (Chemistry, Ohio State, U.). 

Prof. THEODORE SALISBURY WOOLSEY, LL.D. (International Law, Yale U.). 
Prof. ABBOTT YOUNG (Economics, Stanford U.). 






Principal, Maharajah of Cooch Behar's College^ Cooch Behar, India. 

IF modern civilisation is distinguished from all other civilisations 
by its scientific basis, the problems that this civilisation presents 
must be solved by the methods of Science. The evolution of Uni- 
versal Humanity through the concourse and conflict of Nationalities 
and Empires is too vast and complex for the analytical methods of 
Aristotelian or Machiavellian Politics, the so-called Historical Schools 
of Montesquieu or Vico, the arbitrary standards of the Law of 
Nature, or of Nations, or the learned decisions of international 
jurists. Modern Science, first directed to the conquest of Nature, 
must now be increasingly applied to the organisation of Society. 
But, in this process, Science is no longer in the merely physico- 
chemical, or even in the merely biological plane, but is lifted to the 
sociological and historical platform. A scientific study of the con- 
stituent elements and the composition of races and peoples, of their 
origin and development, and of the forces that govern these, will alone 
point the way to a settlement of inter-racial claims and conflicts on 
a sound progressive basis, the solution of many an administrative 
problem in the composite United States and the heterogeneous 
British Empire, and even the scope and methods of social legis- 
lation in every modern State. 

Physical Anthropology with its permanent anatomical types, 
cultural Ethnology with its geographical zones of ethnic culture, the 
Philosophy of History with its law of three or more stages, have 
made notable contributions to this end. But their conflicting 
claims must be harmonised. A synthetic view of Race is possible, 

I B 


only; when we consider it not as a statical, but as a dynamical entity, 
plastic, fluent, growing, with energies not exhaust, but superimposing 
layer upon layer like the earth, its scene, still subject to the primal 
forces that have built up the bed-rocks in their order of sequence 
and distribution. This is the point of view of genetic Anthropology. 
It will study Race and Racial Types as developing entities, tracing 
the formation of physical stocks or types as radicles, their growth and 
transmutation into ethnic cultural units (clans, tribes, peoples), and 
finally, the course of their evolution into historical nationalities. A 
study of genetic conditions and causes, of the biological, psychological, 
sociological forces at work, which have shaped and governed the rise, 
growth, and decadence of Races of Man, can alone enable us to guide 
and control the future evolution of Humanity by conscious selection 
in intelligent adaptation to the system and procedure of Nature. 

Race, Variety, Species. Physical Anthropology must turn to the 
systematists for definitions of these terms. Not that the Systematists 
are agreed in theory or in practice. The line between " good " and 
"bad" species remains as uncertain as when Kerner discussed the ques- 
tion. But by general consensus, such classifications are based on 
the following considerations : 

(1) Degree of likeness in characters (morphological and physiological); 

(2) Degree of stability or constancy of the like characters ; 

(3) Degree of fertility of unions within the group as well as outside, after 

groups have been tentatively formed by considerations of likeness and 
stability ; and 

(4) Degree of community of blood, descent or kinship. 

First, we group together individuals resembling one another with 
some certain degree of distinctness in one or more characters which are 
peculiar, i.e., by which such an assemblage is differentiated from allied 
assemblages. If we then find that the distinctive characters are not 
stable but more or less readily modifiable, and either (i) that they 
are not uniformly transmitted to offspring within certain limits of 
allowable variation, or not so transmitted under some certain change 
of environment, neither very violent nor very sudden, or (2) that they 
are definitely known to have been induced by recent change of 
environment, the assemblage is regarded as a variety (climatic or 
otherwise). If, again, we find that the peculiar characters, though 
stable and uniformly transmissible under the above conditions and 
limitations, are not sufficiently distinct, or " present but small degrees 
of divergence from those of allied groups," we class the group as a 
constant variety. Now, when the common and peculiar characters of 
a group are distinct, stable and transmissible (hereditary) within wide 
limits of environmental change, it is usually found that the individuals 
of such a group breed together in a state of nature, and are more 


or less exclusively fertile among themselves ; in other words, when 
crossed with individuals of even allied groups, they produce off- 
spring which are more or less infertile inter se, in the first or the 
second generation. Such a group may be provisionally regarded 
as a species. But it is also often found that, within the group, 
there are certain subordinate aggregates which may be differentiated 
from one another by the same kind of tests that were employed 
in forming the group itself, though these traits are present in a 
markedly inferior degree. In other words, the subordinate aggre- 
gates are marked off by peculiar distinct hereditary characters, and 
they show greater fertility in the second, third, and succeeding 
generations, inter se, than when crossed with other subordinate 
groups. Such a subordinate group may be said to form a sub- 
species or race. 


Application to Man. I. Like Characters : Formation of Types. 
Essentially unsound are all classifications based on a single character, 
whether it is the pigmentation of skin, hair, and iris, the texture of 
hair with shape of transverse section, the nasal index, the cephalic 
index, or the geometrical varieties of the cranial or the facial form. 
Nor does it help to employ single characters successively in con- 
tinued sub-division, e.g., first dividing by hair, sub-dividing by pig- 
mentation, sub-dividing still by cranial and facial form, or in the 
reverse order. This dislocates natural affinities, and frustrates a 
sound serial arrangement 

It is necessary to adopt biometric methods in studying characters 
and variations, and to find the mean or means by co-ordination and 
seriation. Averages are apt to be misleading, and conceal the 
differences of type that may exist in a group, except where very 
extensive observations have been made under a variety of conditions. 
The range of variations in a character is as important an index as 
the character itself, and the variations should be studied, not merely 
among the adults, but with reference to sex and ontogenetic (includ- 
ing embryonic) development, as well as to reversion and retrogression. 
These are of great value in determining the pure stocks in a hetero- 
geneous mixture as well as racial affinities and distinctions. 

We may arrange the types of physical race in several ways 

(i) We may classify them as primary, secondary, tertiary, and so on, but 
this can not be properly done until the effects of environment and miscegenation 
have been studied by the biologist, and not by the statistical empiric, as has often 
been the case. When sufficient data are available, we may represent the 
formation of the physical types by a modified genealogical tree (with devices 
for intercrossing and retrogression), or by symbols and formulas analogous to 
those of organic chemistry (as in arranging isomers, polymers, &c.). But even 
chemistry is becoming increasingly evolutionary, and the descent of the elements 


(and their seven or sixteen races), with the position, say, of the helium-argon 
group, will shortly be discussed as hotly as the affinities of the Mediterranean 

(2) A second way would be to arrange the types in space (or, more simply, 
on a plane surface), the distances along different directions marking the degree 
of affinity as estimated by three (or two) groups of correlated characters (cf. the 
horizontal and vertical rows of the periodic classification in chemistry). 

(3) A third way would be to conceive an ideal type as the goal towards 
which the normal development of the organism is tending, and to place the 
actual types round this as a centre, at distances corresponding, more or less, to 
their approximation to the ideal. The difference between the second and the 
third method is that while the former is statical, the latter is dynamical. 
Though the third method is not quite feasible, an occasional application of this 
test of normal or standard development is a useful corrective. 

-tii General Remarks on Morphological Characters. The morphological 
characters most useful in distinguishing types of physical race are not 
necessarily of zoonomic interest. Many of the marks are non- 
adaptive and useless. As Topiriard notes, the facial angle is a 
rational character in craniometry, but the nasal index of which no 
rational (or zoonomic) explanation is available, is far more valuable 
as a racial mark. Secondary parts best furnish such distinctive traits. 
Again, most of the morphological distinctions do not connote vitality, 
or a high or low place in the normal scale of development. The 
head and the foot do not vary among races according to their order 
of superiority. A long head (a so-called simian character), or a long 
foot, is not a characteristic of inferiority. Taking prognathism (the 
true or sub-nasal prognathism), while all races are prognathous, some 
of the neolithic European races were less prognathous than modern 
Europeans (e.g., Parisians); and the Polynesians of the purest blood, 
and (probably) the Tasmanians come nearer to the white races than 
the yellow races or the African Negroes (Topinard). As Weisbach 
remarks, each race has its share of the characteristics of inferiority. 
As regards the ideal of normal development for the human body, it 
is disputed whether the infantile or the adult condition of man makes 
the nearest approach to it. The young of the anthropoid apes and 
of man are somewhat alike, but the adult in both cases falls away 
from this, not in the same direction but along collateral lines, the 
deviation being much greater in the adult ape than in the adult man. 
On the whole, as Havelock Ellis notes, " the yellow races are nearest 
to the infantile condition " (in brachycephaly, scanty hair, proportion 
of trunk and limbs) ; " Negroes and Australians are farthest removed 
from it (though not always in the direction of the ape); the Caucasian 
races occupy an intermediate position. In the nose "(and also in the 
well-developed calves as contrasted with the Negro's spindle-legs) 
" they are at the farthest remove from the ape ; in the hairy covering 
they recede from the human and approach the ape. The lowest races 


are in some respects more highly evolved than the white Caucasian 
races." From the ensemble of osteological characters, it appears that 
the Australians, the South Sea Islanders, and the Negritos have 
affinities to the Pithecanthropus erectus, the Polynesians to the Orang, 
the Negroes to the Gorilla, the Mongols to the Chimpanzee, and two 
of the original European types, the Neanderthal man and the 
Aurignac man, to the Gorilla and the Orang respectively (Klaatsch). 

Physiological and Pathological Characters : General Remarks. 
The characters relating to metabolism and reproduction are of greater 
bionomic value than any of the morphological ones. The number of 
red corpuscles and the amount of haemoglobin in the blood, the pulse- 
rate, the vital capacity, the muscular strength, the amount of urea in 
the urine, are different in different races. But they depend in part 
on the quantity of proteid consumption. This has been conclusively 
established by clinical researches in India into the metabolism of 
peoples with a vegetarian diet. Indeed, some of the morphological 
characters (e.g., pigmentation of skin, hair, and eye, amount and 
distribution of hairy covering, &c.), are themselves due to physico- 
chemical processes connected with the metabolism (as well as the 
secretions) of the organism. The racial differences in muscular force 
and in vital capacity (as measured by the dynamometer and the 
spirometer), like those in stature and weight, depend on conditions 
of nutrition and habitat (including climate), though the costal 
breathing of civilised as contrasted with the abdominal breathing of 
uncivilised women has arisen from conventions of dress. The depth 
and range of the voice also furnish racial characters. In the lower 
races (as in women), the larynx is less developed than in the higher, 
and the voice is shriller. Still the Germans are not at the top ; the 
Tartars appear to have even louder and more powerful voices. 
Thus sexual selection (if this is the origin), like natural selection, 
does not always work advantageously for the so-called higher 
races, nor in all directions. 

The resistance to particular local diseases that marks particular 
races may have been due to the elimination of the more susceptible 
through that selective mortality, which, in the view of Karl Pearson 
and Archdall Reid, is the most effective instrument of natural 
selection among the races of men. 

Acclimation appears to depend in part on the quantity of water 
in the organism, the tropics requiring more water than temperate 
countries (Kochs). On the other hand, cold climates require more 
proteid than hot. Pure or primitive stocks are less easily acclimated 
than civilised (or mixed) stocks ; the latter are more cosmopolitan. 
Loss of vital energy owing to chemical changes in metabolism, 
incapacity to resist diseases of bacterial origin (the phagocytes in the 


blood being without the supply of the requisite opsons), and, finally, 
sterility or diminishing fertility of the germ-plasm due to changes in 
the environment, food, and habits of life these are the circumstances 
that set a limit to the cosmopolitanism of a race, and baffle successful 
acclimation and colonisation. 

II. Stability of Characters and Type. Both morphological and 
physiological characters change with change of environment. The 
chemical changes due to the new conditions of climate or nutrition 
act upon the " hormones " and enzymes, stimulate cell-growth, induce 
changes of form in the somatic tissues, and, sometimes, affecting the 
germ-plasm, become hereditary. This is not merely in the fungi, 
algae, flowering plants (Klebs), or in protozoa, sponges, sea-urchins 
(Roux, Herbst), or in insects (Weismann, Tower, &c.), but also in 
domesticated animals and in man. The rate of change and the 
amount vary, being less in pure stocks of long standing and more in 
mixed or recent stocks. 

Evidence is gradually accumulating to show that other morpho- 
logical characters, e.g. t the changes rung on a few simple varieties 
of geometrical form, in the structure of the hair, the face, the 
orbits, the nose, the cranium and the pelvis, are not so stable as 
some physical anthropologists would fain believe. That remarkable 
osteological changes of this description may be induced in mammals 
&c., by the action of environment, has indeed been long known 
(e.g., in the niata cattle, the Java ponies, the Gangetic crocodiles, 
not to mention oysters and crabs). And the recent careful inquiry 
of Professor Boas into the anatomical characters of United States 
immigrants, under the direction of the Immigration Committee of 
Congress, shows that profound changes of head-form (cephalic 
index) occur under the influence of American environment, in the 
American-born descendants of immigrants as compared with the 
foreign-born immigrants of the same races ; that the amount of 
change in the American-born depends in part on the period of 
their immigrant mothers' stay in America before their birth ; that 
the rate of change decreases as this period increases, and finally 
that the changes make the most divergent types (e.g. t East European 
Hebrews and Sicilians) converge and approach to a uniform type 
in this respect. The cephalic index in man, even if it were not 
otherwise open to dispute as confounding real distinctions of 
shape, seems to be-, unstable under special conditions. That the 
changes of head-form in American-born children are persistent 
and hereditary under American conditions may be presumed from 
the fact that they are in the direction of the normal American 
type. That there may be a reversion with a return to European 
conditions cannot be urged as an objection against one who denies 


the racial significance of this cephalic character. The persistence 
of the Neanderthal type or the Aurignac type, so far as this is a 
fact, may be due to the operation of similar conditions, or the 
absence of special modifying agencies, or, in some instances, to 
atavism, reversion or freaks. 

* * * * * 

Proto-man. A proto-human type with primitive characters 
must be assumed as the starting-point, a generalised type from 
which all the pure primary stocks of Man may be derived by 
further differentiation and specialisation along different collateral 
lines in special environments. 

The Proto-man as a more generalised form possessed this 
(phylogenetic) variability in a greater measure, and his skull, 
cerebral mass and cerebral convolutions have shown striking 
changes ; in other words, the evolution of man has been rapid 
and continuous in the direction in which he differentiated from 
the anthropoids. For example, the cranial capacity of the gorilla 
is about 450 c.c. ; of the Pithecanthropus erectus, in Upper 
Pliocene, about 900 c.c. ; of the Neanderthal man, in middle 
Pleistocene, about 1,250 c.c. ; and of the Cro-Magnon man of the 
lower alluvium about 1,500 c.c. The progress was most marked in 
the earlier stages, and gradually slowed down. 

All this cerebral change is the index of a rapid psychic variation- 
Even in the case of the higher animals, the psychic (and social) 
characters are of " zoogenic " value, influencing the course of 
animal evolution and the origin of species among the higher 
vertebrates (birds and mammals), e.g., through sexual selection, 
gregarious impulses, instincts of species-preservation, mutual aid 
and sympathy. It is these psycho-social characters of the organism 
that chiefly differentiate Man from the animals. They ensure the 
exercise of that foresight, control, and co-ordination which are 
the chief marks of bionomic progress. Besides, what is of vital 
importance, these psycho-social characters (and therefore the 
Racial types of Man whereof they are constituent elements) are 
marked by that greater range, variability and plasticity of response 
(z.e., of the internal factor in organic evolution), which is the con- 
comitant of all higher and more complex organisation. As such, 
they furnish some new developments, especially an extending 
range of wants, and the phenomena of choice and conscious 
control which condition the operation of natural selection, and 
determine its direction, though they do not by any means suspend 
it. Hence it is that no view of civilisation is sound or adequate 
which considers Race and Racial types statically, and not 
dynamically as growing, developing, progressive entities. 


The Social Instinct. The same struggle for existence which 
develops the egoistic impulses also develops the ego-altruistic and 
the altruistic. Social life survives as the best aid to the main- 
tenance of the individual as well as the species. And the social 
instincts thus evolved have left their impress on the physical type. 
It has been held with some plausibility that a developed sociality 
gave a longer pairing arrangement in the primitive human family, 
with prolonged human infancy, and that this brought on the more 
developed brain with the erect position. This sociality manifests 
itself in sympathy, imitation, play, communicativeness, association, 
which all spread by the law of surface expansion, z>., in geometrical 
progression, by creating new centres of diffusion. All this pre- 
pared the way for the origin of language. 

Psychology of Primitive Peoples. The scientific anthropologist 
must beware of one vulgar error on pain of being taken for a 
caricaturist The primitive psychical type like the physical differs 
from ours not by being abnormal or pathological, but only by 
being undeveloped and rudimentary. The normal movement is 
from the mind of the ape to that of the civilised man ; and the 
appearance of any new factor in proto-man or prehistoric man, be 
it conceptual language or reasoning, religion or art, magic or 
myth, marriage or property, must be sought, in its origin, along 
this line of advance, and in the normal experience of the race. 
Sometimes we have to deal with abnormal or pathological 
phenomena among primitive or " natural " races, e.g., trance phe- 
nomena, black magic, cannibalism, revolting puberty rites, orgies, 
sexual perversions and inversions, &c., just as we find the same in 
the civilised peoples of to-day ; but then we must analyse them as 
such. Some of these arise by temporary excess or defect of 
normal impulses ; and when they survive in the present day, they 
are not survivals in the true sense, but arise from similar excesses 
or defects of the same normal impulses in civilised man. Excesses 
of sensuality, and many superstitions, are of this class. As to 
the anti-social impulses, it must be remembered that some of 
them arise in the struggle for existence, and are to that extent 
normal. Sociality went part passu with egoism. Sympathy 
within the horde was no doubt of adaptive value, but it was the 
correlative of antipathy outside the horde, which was equally 
adaptive at the origin. 

But as sociality is ultimately more adaptive or life-maintaining, 
it has gone on, expanding its circle, and the anti-social impulses 
have contracted theirs ; the evolution of Man has been, and will 
be, the evolution of Sociality, within the limits of the complete 
and free personal life. If, therefore, we find anti-social excesses 


among savages, they are also in many cases not abnormal but 
only rudimentary. But there are other phenomena which are 
abnormal, pathological, implying degenerative transformation of 
structure or function. Cannibalism, promiscuity, Morgan's con- 
sanguineous marriage, group-marriage, infanticide, black magic, 
&c., are of this class. In the first place, they are far outside 
the line from the ape to the civilised man. The higher apes had 
already begun to avoid too close in-breeding, and to live in 
jealously guarded polygynous-family hordes, or pairing families, 
more or less enduring. And secondly, natural selection would 
ruthlessly weed out stocks in which such impulses would be 
normal. It follows, therefore, that, when such phenomena appear, 
as they undoubtedly do, among savages or primitive folk, they 
are not part and parcel of their normal physio-psycho-social type, 
but are phenomena of degeneration or retrogression in those 
peoples. They are not samples of the normal savage mind, much 
less of the mind of Proto-man, who was a plastic and progressive 
being, not arrested, and not decadent, as savages in many cases 
have come to be in their isolated and inhospitable habitats. 

Cultural Race. This comprehends in intimate inter-dependence : 

(1) Grades of material culture with elaboration of useful Arts, and traditions 
(e.g., those connected with food, fire, shelter, disposal of the dead, fishing, 
hunting, war, medicinal and other healing, basket and textile weaving, pottery, 
decoration, mechanical inventions, domestication of animals, pasture, agricul- 
ture, writing, weights and measures, coins ; in more or less successive epochs, 
e.g., the stick-using, eolithic, palaeolithic, mesolithic, neolithic, eneolithic, bronze, 
and iron ages with several layers in each age, e.g., the Chellean, Mousterian, 
Solutrian, Lower and Upper Aurignacian, and Magdalenian epochs of 
palaeolithic Europe, &c.). 

(2) Grades of ethnic culture, with elaboration of social structures, and of customs 
(the economic, juristic, socio-ceremonial, religious, and political traditions). 

The unit of the social structure was the horde, a small 
polygynous family-horde, rather than a pairing family. Composite 
structures were produced by genetic multiplication, fission, aggre- 
gation, coalescence, absorption, assimilation, adoption, initiation, 
conquest and capture. 

The composite social structures that were thus evolved ap- 
peared in the following order : 

(i) Family groups and possibly local exogamous groups by fission and 
aggregation; (2) clans, metronymic or patronymic, totemistic or eponymous, 
exogamous or endogamous, or both, with " beena," or with wife capture, 
purchase or expropriation ; (3) sometimes, phratries, classes, &c. ; (4) tribes, 
based on agnatic or female kinship, or cemented by common good and ill, 
or common vendetta, or common land and water, or participation in the 
communal land, or adoption into the village community or township as 
strangers or as servi ; (5) confederacies of tribes, or peoples. 


But all this is composite aggregation of like units by duplication 
or repetition of parts. In structure as in function a people is a 
big tribe, a tribe is a big phratry or clan, a clan is a big family- 
group, a family-group is a big family. 

Every one of these groups performed four functions, though 
not indifferently, or in the same degree. 

(1) Economic, by provision of communal food, and communal shelter; 

(2) Socio-ceremonial, at feasts, games, choral dances ; 

(3) Juristic, by the inviolable custom of blood-feuds, &c. ; and 

(4) Religious in communal worship and propitiation of the common an- 

cestors, tribal deities, and jungle or other spirits. 

This compound structure is characteristic of low organisms, 
(e.g., the colonies of the Hydroidea the compound eye, &c.). The 
units are not sufficiently differentiated, the whole is not sufficiently 
coherent. The superior aggregate cannot control the ultimate units 
except through semi-independent intervening media. The jurisdic- 
tion is particulate. As Morgan observes, the plan of government 
in the tribal stage deals with individuals through their relations 
to the gens or clan. Status is all in all, and individuation is only 
rudimentary. The social acts of the individual, as Hermann Post 
remarks, are all determined by the assumptions on which his society 
is based postulates, social categories, embodied in custom or law. 
These traditions are quasi-instinctive, and constitute the essential 
moments of ethnic entity or cultural Race. 1 

National Race. The third stage evolves a complex and coherent 
structure, by redistributing the elements of the previous composite 
formations. Differentiation of the individual and central coherence 
go together. In other words, while the individual begins to be 
differentiated from the family and the clan, the Nation by its 
central organ, the State, deals with the individual directly, by 
gradually usurping and annulling all intermediary jurisdictions. 
Family-groups within clans, and clans within tribes, duplicating 
structure and function, cannot constitute a nation. The uniformity 
of the family-clan-tribe-people stage must be broken up. 2 The 
individual units and lower aggregates are more and more differen- 

1 If the individual organism is maintained by the balance of hereditary 
conservation and progressive variation, cultural Race is maintained by the 
balance of two corresponding capacities, viz., the cumulation of experience in 
the form of tradition, and modification by new experience and growing wants. 
As Ratzel points out, the most profound differences among ethnic civilisations 
arise out of the varying degrees of these two fundamental capacities. But 
the capacities themselves, like all other bio-sociological characters, are plastic, 
fluent, developable under suitable conditions and stimuli. 

' Even in this stage there had been a progressive specialisation of functions, 
more especially in the tribe and the confederacy. 


tiated by division of labour and specialisation of interests. 
Occupational castes, guilds, classes, corporations, gradually take 
the place of the older ethnic groups. Personal law based on 
kinship gives place more and more to territorial law based on 
allegiance. The coherence thus becomes more effective, more 
direct Whether the government is vested in one or many, a 
nation always begins by creating an absolute central authority. 
In the intermediate feudal stage, the State deals with the individual 
through his overlord or corporation, but a true national government 
can only rise on the ruins of the feudal system, by creating an 
absolute central power. 1 Constitutions and constitutionalism are a 
later growth, effected through the differentiation and separation of the 
legislative, executive, and judicial functions of this sovereign authority. 

Part passu with the increasing variability of response in the 
individual, which is itself the cause and concomitant of individual 
emancipation from the family and clan, is developed the increasing 
variability of the social mind, and the phenomenon of social choice. 
The customs, traditions, postulates of social .life so long rigidly 
determined the responses of the social organism, but now these 
responses show the characteristics of all complex evolution, viz., 
indefinite variability, deliberative veto, purposive control, rational 
choice of alternative. These choices, of course, obey the biological 
law of adaptation and survival of the fittest, but the spontaneous 
process of natural selection becomes a conscious organised rational 
selection determined by ideal satisfactions or ends. A nation, 
then, is a conscious social personality, exercising rational choice 
as determined by a scheme of ideal ends or values, and having 
an organ, the State, for announcing and executing its will. Law 
is nothing but the standing Will of the national Personality, and 
the old customary now receives its sanction explicitly or implicitly 
from this Will. All members of a truly National State are integral 
members of this Composite Personality, but the individual units 
are themselves Persons, and, therefore, self-determining Wills. 

The common membership of the State gradually replaces all 
the old bonds of common descent or kinship, common religion, 
common social customs, common personal law, common cultural 
stock, even a common language. The existence of theocratic codes, 
servile classes, ethnic disabilities, privileged classes, co-ordinate 
jurisdictions (ecclesiastical, feudal, municipal), retards the free and 
normal development of a National Race, and these ethnic survivals 
disappear in adult nationality. 

This centralisation itself makes for decentralisation within the 
limits of the State paramountcy. 

1 E.g., the recent case of Japan. 


Voluntary associations, companies, corporations (Universities, 
Inns of Court, Social Reform-Associations, political parties, 
commercial firms, banks and services unions, trusts, co-operative 
agencies, &c.) extend this decentralisation within limits of 
State supervision secured by charters, registrations, and licences. 
Local self-governments carry the decentralisation still further by 
delegation of State functions to local bodies. But the sphere and 
scope of State legislation, in other words, the limits (other than 
those of Justice) within which the social personality is bound to 
tolerate and respect the personality of its members in their activities 
to realise their own schemes of values and ends, is a hyper- 
constitutional question, and must depend on the free consensus of 
the members themselves, whether in an explicit form or as implied 
by continued membership of the State. 

With increasing decentralisation, the State with its ally, the 
Church, ceases to formulate economic, social or domestic standards 
or values. The individual members, as self-determining Personalities, 
exercise rational choice, and are determined by ideal ends and 
values. The National Ideal is now lifted to a higher platform. It 
no longer competes with the ideals of individuals. It becomes truly 
a regulative Ideal the Ideal of harmonising, fulfilling, realising, in 
each and all of the members, their personal, social, national and 
cosmic ideals and values. 

Political Art, then, consists in the national adaptation of the 
Environment, both Natural and Social, to the realisation, by the 
national Personality (which is a regulative moment of every indivi- 
dual Personality) and in the persons of the individual members 
themselves, of the highest ideal values, which they choose and pro- 
pose to themselves as free self-determining agents. 

But Nationalism is only a halting stage in the onward march of 
Humanity. Nationalism, Imperialism, Federationism are world- 
building forces, working often unconsciously, and in apparent strife, 
towards the one far-off divine event, a realised Universal Humanity 
with an organic and organised constitution, superintending as a 
primum mobile the movements of subordinate members of the World- 
system, each within its own sphere and orbit. Respecting each 
National Personality, and each scheme of National values and ideals, 
Universal Humanity will regulate the conflict of Nations and 
National Ideals and Values on the immutable foundation of Justice, 
which is but the conscious formulation of the fundamental bio- 
sociological law : that, every National Personality (like every indivi- 
dual personality in the Nation) has a right to the realisation of its 
own ideal ends, satisfactions and values within the limits imposed by 
the similar rights of others (individualistic Justice), and also a right 


to co-partnership and co-operation for the common good and common 
advantage (socialistic Justice), within the limits imposed by the 
preceding clause. 

Such is the fundamental principle of International Jurisprudence. 
A realised Universal Humanity on this immutable basis is the goal 
of a Universal Races Congress like this. 

Of the various non-political agencies which may be useful in 
promoting the objects of such a Congress, one or two are noted 
below : 

(1) The organisation of a World's Humanity League (not an Aborigines 
Protection Society), with branches, committees, and bureaus in different 
countries. The chief object should be to promote mutual understanding, among 
members of different races, peoples, nationalities, of one another's national 
ideals, social schemes, and regulative world-ideas. Congresses may be held 
under the auspices of the League in different centres. Thinkers from the 
East should be regularly invited to explain their own national or racial cultures 
and standpoints at meetings organised by the different branches in the West ; 
and vice versa. 

(2) The endowment of Professorships of Oriental Civilisation and Culture in 
Western Universities and Academies, to be held by Orientals from the countries 
concerned ; and mutatis mutandis in the East (in countries in which European 
civilisation does not already hold a dominant position). No scheme of national 
values, ideals, cultures, in one word, world-ideas, will in the present day be 
dealt with by foreigners, as other than curiosities of an Archaeological Museum 
(or an Entomological Laboratory). 

(3) The publication of an International Journal of Comparative Civilisation, 
which would serve as a medium for the exchange of international views on 
economic, domestic, social, religious and political problems of the day from the 
different national standpoints ; and would also expound the origin and develop- 
ments of social institutions in the different national histories. The Journal 
would have for its chief object the application of the biological, sociological, and 
historical Sciences to the problems of present-day legislation and administration. 

(4) Some organised effort, if possible, against the anti-social and anti- 
humanitarian tendencies of the modern political situation ; such as the colour 
prejudice, the forcible shutting of the door in the West against the East, with 
the forcible breaking it open in the East in favour of the West ; national 
chauvinism ; national aggressiveness, and war. 

Our motto is Harmony. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 


Professor of Anthropology in the University of Berlin. 

COLOURED people are often described as savage races, but it is com- 
paratively rare to find any attempt to give a proper definition of 
" coloured " and " savage." 


A certain order issued by a European Governor in Africa once 
stated what Negroes, Arabs, Hindus, Portuguese, Greeks, and other 
coloured people, had to do on meeting a white man, and in the 
German Reichstag one of the successors of Bismarck once spoke of 
the Samoans as a " handful of savages." Again, many books have 
been written on the differences between races of men, and serious 
scientists have tried in vain to draw up an exact definition of 
what really constitutes the difference between savage and civilised 
races. It is very easy to speak of "Greeks and other coloured 
people" ; but some assign the ancient Greeks to the group of 
civilised races, and are so severe in their division as to exclude from 
that group the ancient Romans as half-barbarians. 

The division of mankind into active and passive races is an old 
one. Since then an attempt was made to put "twilight" races 
between the " day " races and the " night " races, and the Japanese 
were included in this group of " Dammerungs-Menschen " the 
Japanese, who are now in the van of human civilisation in Asia, and 
who have, perhaps, saved the mental freedom of Europe at Tshushima 
and on the battle-fields of Manchuria. 

Still weaker and more objectionable is the division as to colour. 
We now know that colour of skin and hair is only the effect of 
environment, and that we are fair only because our ancestors lived 
for thousands, or probably tens of thousands, of years in sunless and 
foggy countries. Fairness is nothing else but lack of pigment, and 
our ancestors lost part of their pigment because they did not need it. 
Just as the Proteus sanguineus and certain beetles became blind in 
caves, where their eyes were useless, so we poor fair people have to 
wear dark glasses and gloves when walking on a glacier, and get our 
skin burned when we expose it unduly to the light of the sun. 

It is therefore only natural that certain Indian races and the 
Singhalese are dark ; but it would be absurd to call them " savage " 
on that account, as they have an ancient civilisation, and had a noble 
and refined religion at a time when our own ancestors had a very 
low standard of life. 

Some men say that coloured people are " ugly." They should 
be reminded that beauty is very relative, and that our own idea of 
beauty is subject to changes of fashion. We know, too, that artists so 
refined as the Japanese find our large eyes and our high noses horrid. 
It is also said of the primitive races that they are not as cleanly 
as we are. Those who say this, however, forget the dirt of Eastern 
Europe, and are ignorant that most primitive men bathe every day t 
and that the Bantu and many other Africans clean their teeth after 
every meal for more than half an hour with their msuaki> while, on 
the contrary, millions of Europeans never use a tooth-brush. 


.lr,iSo it is with dress. Ethnography teaches us that primitive man 
can have a highly developed sense of modesty, though naked, and 
we all know how immodest one can be in silk and velvet. 

The same can be said of the lack of written language. It is true 
that most primitive men are Analphabets, but so are 90 per cent, of 
the Russians ; and we know that memory is generally much stronger 
with the illiterates than with us. It may very well be that the very 
invention of writing led to a deterioration of our memory. 

Most frequently " savages " are accused of being weak in abstract 
thinking, like children. To show how such opinions originate, I beg 
to relate a single case lately reported to me by one of my friends. 
A young colonial officer buys a basket and asks the name of it in the 
native language. The first native says, " That is of straw " ; another 
native says that they also make them of rushes. One of the two 
seemed to have lied, so each of them received twenty-five lashes. A 
third native is called. He says, " This basket is plaited," and gets 
twenty-five also. The next native affirms that the basket is nearly 
new, and gets twenty-five. The next, that he does not know whose 
basket it is, &c. The final result of this scientific investigation is 
two hundred lashes ; and the white man writes in his notebook : 
" These natives here are brutes, not men." The black man says to 
his friends, " This fellow belong white is not proper in his save box," 
and thinks it safer to keep at a good distance from him ; and a 
certain scientist at home gets a splendid illustration of his theory 
of the poor intellect of savage man and of his weakness in abstract 

I once personally witnessed how a would-be linguist tried to 
learn Kurdish from a Kurd, with whom he could only just speak 
by means of a Turkish and French interpreter. He began with 
one of the famous phrases in Ahn's Grammar, in the style of " my 
brother's pocketknife is prettier than your mother's prayerbook," 
and wanted to have it translated into Kurdish. The result was 
rather poor, and my pseudo-linguist soon gave it up, saying that 
the Kurds were so stupid that they did not know even their own 
language. My own private impression was somewhat different, 
and I took great care afterwards to convince my Kurdish friend 
that not all Europeans were so silly and impatient as his first 

In former times it was not so much the mental and material 
culture of foreign races, as their anatomical qualities, which were 
taken as the starting-point, in showing their inferiority. Especially 
in America, before the war, Anthropology (or what they called by 
that name) was engaged in showing that the Negro, with his 
black skin, his prognathism, his blubber-lips and his short and 


broad nose, was no real human being but a domestic animal. 
How to treat him was the owner's private affair ; it was nobody 
else's business, any more than the treatment of his cattle or 

Even to-day there are scientists who claim a separate origin for 
the various human types, and who link one palaeolithic race to the 
Gorilla and another (or perhaps the same) to the Orang. The author 
of Anthropozoon biblicum goes still further and wants us to believe 
that the dark races are the descendants of incestuous intercourse 
between " Aryans " and monkeys. But the great majority of our 
modern authorities now claim a monogenetic origin for mankind. 

So the question of the number of human races has quite lost its 
raison d'etre, and has become a subject rather of philosophical specu- 
lation than of scientific research. It is of no more importance now 
to know how many human races there are than to know how many 
angels can dance on the point of a needle. Our aim now is to 
find out how ancient and primitive races developed from others, 
and how races have changed or evolved through migration and 

We do not yet know where the first man began to develop from 
earlier stages of zoological existence, and we know nothing of his 
anatomical qualities. The Pithecanthropus erectus from Java was 
for some time considered to be such a first man or " missing link" ; 
but he proved to be only an enormous Gibbon. The oldest known 
remains of real man have been found in Western Europe. They do 
not show one single trait that is not found in one or other modern 
skull or skeleton of aboriginal Australians ; even the mandible of 
Mauer-Heidelberg, primitive as it is, has a typical human dentition. 
So we shall probably not be far from the truth if we state that the 
palaeolithic man of Europe was not essentially different from the 
modern Australian. If we are allowed to draw conclusions as to 
the soft parts from the qualities of the skeleton, our palaeolithic 
ancestor had dark skin, dark eyes, and dark, more or less, straight 
hair. His home was probably in some part of Southern Asia ; but 
we find similar types even now among the Toala of Celebes and the 
Veddas of Ceylon. In fact, millions of dark men in India belong 
to the same stock, and so do all the dark tribes of Afghanistan and 

So we can trace an early and primitive type of mankind from 
Gibraltar, Moustier, Spy, Neanderthal, Krapina, &c., to Ceylon, 
Celebes, and Australia. This certainly is a wide area, but every 
year is now bringing fresh proofs of this direct continuity of a 
distinct human type from the earliest palaeolithic ages to modern 


The question naturally arises how it is that our Australian 
brothers have remained for fifty or a hundred thousand years, or 
longer, in such a primitive state of mental and material culture, while 
we Europeans have reached the height- of modern civilisation. The 
answer is not difficult. Australia was isolated from the rest of the 
world through an early geological catastrophe soon after the immi- 
gration of palaeolithic man. Every impulse and incentive from 
without ceased, and human life began to petrify. 

It was quite otherwise in Europe and in Western Asia. The 
thousand advantages of the environment, the broken coastlines, the 
many islands, the navigable rivers, and especially the constant pass- 
ing from Asia to Europe and from Europe to Asia and Africa, the 
ready exchange of inventions and discoveries and acquisitions, the 
incessant trade and traffic, have made us what we are. 

This primitive but uniform human type began to change chiefly 
in two directions. To the south-west of the line connecting Gibraltar 
with Australia, man, in some way or other, developed curly and 
woolly hair, and so became what we now call Protonigritian. We 
find his descendants in Melanesia and in Africa. The Pygmies 
form a very old branch of this protonigritic group ; and we find 
them in South Africa (Bushmen), in many parts of Tropical Africa 
and of South-Eastern Asia, and even in some islands of the Pacific. 
We do not know where they became small, whether in their original 
home or later on, after their dispersion. The first theory is certainly 
the simpler ; but the second is not without analogy. We know that the 
Ammonites began to unroll themselves quite independently of each 
other in distant oceans, but more or less in the same geological period. 

On the other side of this line, in Northern Asia, primitive man 
acquired, during many thousands of years, straight hair and a shorter 
or broader skull. The modern Chinese and the typical, now nearly 
extinct, American Indian are at the end of this north-eastern line 
of development, while the typical Negro represents the south-western 

We have thus three chief varieties of mankind the old Indo- 
European, the African, and the East-Asiatic, all branching off from 
the same primitive stock, diverging from each other for thousands, 
perhaps hundreds of thousands, of years, but all three forming a com- 
plete unity, intermarrying in all directions without the slightest 
decrease of fertility. 

From these three varieties came all the different types of modern 
mankind, generally by local isolation. A very interesting example 
of such mutation is found in the earliest known inhabitants of 
Western Asia. This is the land of those extremely narrow and high- 
arched noses, we generally call Jewish or even Semitic. These 



remarkable noses, however, do not belong to the Semitic invaders, of 
whom Abraham is the eponymic hero, but to the pre-Semitic popula- 
tion which might be called Hittite or Armenoid, as the modern 
Armenians are their direct descendants. 

These old Hittites or Armenoids emigrated in very early times 
to Europe, where the " Alpine Race" descended from them. In the 
most out-of-the-way valleys of Savoy, Graubiinden, Tyrol, and 
Carinthia more than half of the modern population has the head- 
form and the nose of this second immigration from Asia to Europe, 
and from the mingling of this short-headed " Alpine Race" with the 
descendants of the long-headed Palaeolithic or Neanderthal or proto- 
Australian Race, all the great modern European races have sprung. 
Only the Turks and the Magyars represent a later immigration from 
Northern Asia, and of the Magyars in particular we know that they 
settled in their present home in Hungary only a thousand years ago, 
and that their grammar is most intimately related to the grammar of 
the real Turkish languages. Perhaps the Slavonic races also were 
more or less influenced by later immigrations from Northern Asia. 

Thus the European races can only be understood by considering 
Europe as a small peninsular annexe to ancient Asia, and for the 
understanding of the non-European races it is necessary to remember 
that the boundaries of water and land and glaciers have altered 
immensely in the course of the many hundreds of thousands of 
years of human existence. 

While the first varieties of primitive man were certainly formed 
and fixed by long isolation, later variations and races were caused 
by migration and colonisation, as might perhaps best be shown by 
sketching the anthropology of Africa and of the Pacific Islands. 

Just as Madagascar was peopled about 900 or 1000 A.D. by 
Indonesian colonists, coming from Sumatra, so untold ages ago 
the first inhabitants of Africa came from a place somewhere in 
Southern Asia on the great line from Gibraltar to Australia. No 
skulls or skeletons of these earliest Africans are as yet known, but 
we may hope to find them sooner or later, as we already now 
know a good many sites of palaeolithic implements in various parts 
of Tropical and Southern Africa. 

The anatomical qualities of these first Africans will certainly 
be found to differ little from those of aboriginal Australians ; but 
in tens or hundreds of thousands of years the palaeolithic African 
evolved into a real Negro. He exists in two varieties : a tall 
variety, like the modern Nigritian from the coast of Upper Guinea, 
and a small one, like the Bushmen and the Pygmies, now known 
in so many places in Central Africa. But I have already stated that 
we are as yet quite ignorant of the real home of these small races. 


To these two oldest elements in Africa was added, ages after- 
wards, but still in prehistoric times, a third one, the Hamitic. It is 
descended from the same ancient " Gibraltar- Australia-line," but 
was in a higher stage of civilisation. These Hamites had already a 
greatly refined language, with an admirable grammar, closely 
related to that of the Semitic and Indo-germanic languages. In 
Egypt they created, more than six thousand years ago, the marvel- 
lous civilisation which we now admire as the mother of our own. 
Ancient Hamitic influences can be traced all through Africa ; in 
Abyssinia, in Galla-, Somal-, and in Masailand, we find even now 
Hamitic languages, or at least Hamitic grammar and Hamitic 

In Central Africa, in the region of the great lakes, we have the 
Hima and Tusi, generally as chiefs, reigning over Bantu tribes, often 
with face and figure like those of the old Pharaohs of Egypt. Even 
in South Africa nearly i per cent, of the actual Bantu population 
have high and narrow noses, thin lips, and fine, large, and orthog- 
nathous skulls of the Hamitic type, and all the Hottentot languages 
and dialects have a pure Hamitic grammar. Also the pastoral 
habits of many African tribes, their long-horned cattle, their spiral 
basket-work, &c., are Hamitic, and we can thus trace Hamitic 
influence from the Nile to the Cape of Good Hope. 

In the West of Africa, also, the Hausa and many other Hamitic 
tribes have been of the greatest importance in the progress of 
African civilisation and the formation of new tribes. 

In later historic times Arabic, Persian, and Indian influences were 
at work in Eastern Africa. The periodic occurrence of Passat and 
Monsoon had already led to occasional visits and perhaps even to 
some colonisation at a very early stage of human history ; the 
zebu, the goat, and a great many domestic plants, were brought 
from India to the Swahili coast, and from there to the interior of 
Africa ; but we do not know when. We know only that Islam 
came from Arabia comparatively late Islam that is now the 
prominent religion throughout vast regions of Africa, and will 
probably remain so for many centuries to come. 

The Mediterranean coast of Africa also has always been open 
to foreign influences. The Vandals who came to Africa in 429 A.D. 
certainly had forerunners even in prehistoric times. The trepanning 
of skulls which was known in the late palaeolithic cave dwellings in 
France, was performed on the Canary Islands, and is even now found 
among some tribes in Southern Algeria. The modern pottery of 
Adamaua shows a close relation to the pottery of the Hallstatt 
period and of ancient Sardinia, and some modern armlets and 
bronze daggers in the Western Sudan look as if they might belong 


to the European Bronze Age. We do not know where the art of 
casting in bronze (the cire perdue process of the French, the 
casting with cera perduta of the Italians) had its real origin ; 
probably it came from Egypt or from Babylonia. We are also 
ignorant of the way it took in coming from there to Europe and 
to the Western Sudan, but we see from the prehistoric character of 
many African bronze daggers, armlets, &c., that the art of casting 
must have come to Adamaua not later than the sixth century B.C. 

Six centuries before the historic invasion of the Vandals, 
Hannibal sent his soldiers from Africa to Europe and from Europe 
to Africa, and we know that in the early Middle Ages African 
Mohammedans reigned in Spain for more than five hundred years. 

Thus there was a constant coming and going between North 
Africa and Western Europe, and we cannot be astonished to find so 
many blue eyes among the Berbers of Morocco, and even among the 
Ful and other tribes in the Sudan. 

In fact, the natives of Africa, who were considered not long ago 
to be a homogeneous mass, now turn out to be in reality a most 
complicated mixture of quite different elements, the outcome of 
immigration at different periods and from different parts of the 

Not much less complicated is the anthropological structure of 
Oceania. Here we have real pygmies, and the Melanesians, who are 
very similar to the African negroes with dark curly and often spiral 
hair, dark skin, long skull, prognathous face, broad nose, and thick 
lips. They are found nearly pure on the Fiji Islands and in some 
parts of New Caledonia and in the Solomon Islands and the New 
Hebrides. In other parts of the Western Pacific they are more or 
less mixed with the old pygmy races and form what are now 
generally called the Papuan elements of Oceania. The greatest 
possible contrast to these Melanesians and Papuans is found in the 
Polynesian type, which is found in its purest form in Tonga and 
Samoa, but partly also in the Eastern Group of Polynesia. The real 
and pure typical Polynesian has a skin not much darker than that of 
many Sicilians or Spaniards ; his hair is dark and straight, the skull 
is extremely short, but very broad and high ; the face is orthogna- 
thous, the nose narrow, the lips sometimes very thin, never as thick 
as those of the Melanesians. Many Polynesians might easily be 
taken for full-blooded Europeans ; others, especially some of the 
females, resemble types from Indonesia or from Siam and Cambodja, 
except that they are, as a rule, much taller than any tribes of South- 
Eastern Asia. On the whole it is evident, without any recourse to 
linguistics and ethnography, merely by studying their physique that 
the Polynesians came from Asia and that they came by way of 


Indonesia. This is also shown by their cosmogonical system and their 

These two races, the Melanesians and Polynesians, different 
from each other as they are, have intermarried on many groups 
of the Pacific Islands for at least many centuries. On some islands, 
e.g., in New Zealand, a sort of real mixture of types has taken place, 
on others the two types have remained quite distinct, so that, in 
accordance with Mendel's law, always a certain proportion of the 
people belong to the one, and another proportion to the other type, 
and only one-half (or less) of the inhabitants have the qualities 
of both types mixed. 

Wherever we try to investigate in this way the natural history 
of man, we always find inter-connection and migration, often 
over more than half the circumference of our globe. We can 
trace Turk languages from the Mediterranean all through Asia 
to the vicinity of Kamtschatka, and Malayan languages are spoken 
eastwards as far as Rapanui or Easter Island, ^the ultima Thule 
of the Pacific ; westward we find the Hova of Madagascar, 
descendants of old Indonesian colonists who probably came from 
Sumatra about a thousand years ago, still preserving their type, 
their Indonesian language, and their old material culture. Hamitic 
grammar and Hamitic type can be traced right through Africa. 

The religions of Buddha and of Christ have each conquered more 
than 500 millions of men, and Islam spreads from Arabia as far as the 
West Coast of Africa, and eastward all through Asia, as far as the 
Indonesian Archipelago. We find carvings in New Ireland that can 
be traced back to the famous Greek marble representing the rape of 
Ganymede, and we know that the religious style of Buddhist art goes 
back to ancient Greece, just as the Japanese No-masks are the direct 
descendants of the masks in ancient Greek and Roman plays. 

In the same way our own domestic animals and plants, our corn 
and grains, can be traced round the globe, and in a few centuries 
American plants have spread so universally in Africa, that to the non- 
botanist they seem to be indigenous in the Dark Continent. 

In former times ethnologists used to admire the apparent unity in 
the direction of the human mind, and to wonder how it was that in 
all parts of the earth men had similar ideas and ways. Now this 
" Volkergedanken " theory is nearly abandoned, and we are forced to 
admit the real unity of mankind. Fair and dark races, long and 
short-headed, intelligent and primitive, all come from one stock. 
Favourable circumstances and surroundings, especially a good environ- 
ment, a favourable geographical position, trade and traffic, caused one 
group to advance more quickly than another, while some groups have 
remained in a very primitive state of development ; but all are adapted 


to their surroundings, according to the law of the survival of the 

One type may be more refined, another type may be coarser; but 
if both are thoroughbred, or what we call " good types," however 
they may differ, one is not necessarily inferior to the other. In this 
sense I could once say in one of my University lectures that the 
only " savages " in Africa are certain white men with " Tropenkoller." 
I am afraid I owe perhaps to this paradox the honour of being 
invited to take part in this Congress, and I feel it therefore my duty 
to declare most formally that I still adhere to my word, and that I am 
still seriously convinced that certain white men may be on a lower 
intellectual and moral level than certain coloured Africans. But this is 
a mere theoretical statement and of little practical value, except for the 
Colonial Service. In the Colonies, naturally, a white man with a low 
moral standard will always be a serious danger, not only for the 
natives, but also for his own nation. 

But much greater is the danger to civilised nations by the 
immigration of coarser or less refined elements. The United States 
provide a most instructive example of such a danger on account of 
their twelve millions of coloured people, and we can understand the 
feeling of racial antagonism that is now directed against immigration 
from Asia and the immigration of less desirable elements from 
Eastern Europe. Even in Germany the constant migration of 
Eastern Slavs into the Western Provinces is regarded as regrettable 
by people who are not suspected of narrow-mindedness. 

It certainly cannot be a matter of indifference to a nation, if 
great numbers of strangers come into their towns, take lower wages, 
live on a very low standard of life, and send home the greater part 
of their income. But far more serious is the question of racial 
mixture, and I feel sure that this First Universal Races Congress 
will do a good work, and one that will not be forgotten for centuries 
to come, if it insists on the necessity of studying this problem on 
a broad basis. 

We all know that a certain admixture of blood has always been 
of great advantage to a nation. England, France, and Germany are 
equally distinguished for the great variety of their racial elements. In 
the case of Italy we know that in ancient times and at the Renaissance 
Northern M Barbarians " were the leaven in the great advance of art 
and civilisation ; and even Slavonic immigration has certainly not been 
without effect on this movement. The marvellous ancient civilisation 
of Crete, again, seems to have been not quite autochthonous. We know 
also that the ancient Babylonian civilisation sprang from a mixture 
of two quite different national and racial elements, and we find a 
nearly homogeneous population in most parts of Russia, and in 


the interior of China associated with a somewhat low stage of 

On the other hand, we are all more or less disposed to dislike 
and despise a mixture of Europeans with the greater part of foreign 
races. "God created the white man and God created the black 

man, but the created the mulatto," is a very well-known 

proverb. As a matter of fact, we are absolutely ignorant as to the 
moral and intellectual qualities of half-castes. It would be absurd 
to expect from the union of a good-for-nothing European with an 
equally good-for-nothing black woman, children that march on the 
heights of humanity, and we know of many half-castes that are 
absolutely sans reproche ; but we have no good statistics of the 
qualities of half-castes in comparison with those of their parents. 

Meanwhile it may be permitted to anthropology to wish a 
separate evolution of the " so-called white and the so-called coloured 
peoples." As yet we know very little about the interesting and 
complicated psychology of most of the coloured races, and I am 
seriously convinced that better knowledge will be followed by more 
and more mutual sympathy ; but racial barriers will never cease to 
exist, and if ever they should show a tendency to disappear, it will 
certainly be better to preserve than to obliterate them. 

The brotherhood of man is a good thing, but the struggle for life is. 
a far better one. Athens would never have become what it was, without 
Sparta, and national jealousies and differences, and even the most cruel 
wars, have ever been the real causes of progress and mental freedom.. 

As long as man is not born with wings, like the angels, he will 
remain subject to the eternal laws of Nature, and therefore he will 
always have to struggle for life and existence. No Hague Con- 
ferences, no International Tribunals, no international papers and 
peace societies, and no Esperanto or other international language, 
will ever be able to abolish war. 

The respect due by the white races to other races and by the 
white races to each other can never be too great, but natural law will 
never allow racial barriers to fall, and even national boundaries will 
never cease to exist. 

Nations will come and go, but racial and national antagonism will 
remain ; and this is well, for mankind would become like a herd of 
sheep, if we were to lose our national ambition and cease to look with 
pride and delight, not only on our industries and science, but also on 
our splendid soldiers and our glorious ironclads. Let small-minded 
people whine about the horrid cost of Dreadnoughts ; as long as 
every nation in Europe spends, year after year, much more money 
on wine, beer, and brandy than on her army and navy, there is no 
reason to dread our impoverishment by militarism. 


Si vis pacem, para bellum ; and in reality there is no doubt that 
we shall be the better able to avoid war, the better we care for our 
armour. A nation is free only in so far as her own internal affairs 
are concerned. She has to respect the right of other nations as well 
as to defend her own, and her vital interests she will, if necessary, 
defend with blood and iron. 1 

{Paper submitted in English.] 


Member of the Institut de France. 

I. IN discussions of the race problem there is one factor of supreme 
importance which has been so far disregarded to wit, the opinion or 
idea which a race has of itself and the influence exerted by this 
idea. It is a view I have long been contending for, namely, that 
every idea is the conscious form in which feelings and impulses are 
cast. Thus every idea contains within it not merely an intellectual 
act, but also a certain orientation of sensibility and of will. Conse- 
quently every idea is a force which tends to realise its own object 
more and more fully. This is true of the idea of race, just as it is 
true of the idea of nation. Hence we have (i) a certain self-con- 
sciousness in a race, imparting to each of its members a kind of 
racial personality ; (2) a tendency to affirm this personality more 
and more strongly, to oppose it to other racial types and secure its 
predominance. In other words, the race-idea includes within it a 
race-consciousness. It is certain, for instance, that a white man 
shares the idea and the will of his race a result the more inevitable 
inasmuch as he has but to open his eyes in order to distinguish white 
from yellow or black. Frenchmen or Russians may not be able to 
recognise one another at sight, but there can be no confusing blacks 
and whites. Colour is a visible and immediate bond between men 
of white, black, or yellow race. Even among white men certain 
types lend themselves to easy recognition and the setting up of a 
tie between men who share certain typical features. Take, for 
instance, the dark dolichocephalic Arab type, or the dark brachy- 
cephalic Turkish, and compare either with the fair dolichocephalic 
English type. 

If an ethnic consciousness gives a race greater solidarity and 

1 To prevent the last few paragraphs from being misinterpreted, Professor v. Luschan 
authorises us to state that he regards the desire for a war between Germany and England 
as " insane or dastardly." EDITOR. 


inward unity, it has, on the other hand, the disadvantage of culmi- 
nating nearly always in an assumption of superiority and, for that 
very reason, in a feeling of natural hostility. The yellow man 
thinks himself no less superior to the white than the white man 
believes himself superior to the yellow. At all events, he believes 
himself to be very different, and from the conviction of difference 
to that of enmity there is only a step. 

Differences of language and custom and, above all, of religion 
serve to intensify the hostility. All religion is sociological in char- 
acter, and expresses symbolically the conditions native to the life or 
progress of a given society. The religion of a race converts it into 
a huge society animated by the same beliefs and the same aspira- 
tions. Moreover, all religion is intolerant, and hostile to other reli- 
gions. It believes itself to be the truth, and thus seeks to universalise 
that which is only the particular spirit of one race or one nation 
eg., the Jewish spirit, the Christian spirit, the Mahommedan spirit. 
When, then, the ethnic consciousness becomes at the same time a 
religious consciousness, the assertion of the individuality of a race 
implies a counter-assertion to the individuality of other races. It is 
hidden warfare, passing over at the very first opportunity into open 

II. How, then, are we to war against the force of hatred and 
division which is inherent in the idea of race when wedded to the 
idea of religion ? We must fight it by the force of other ideas which 
contain a different set of feelings and tendencies. These " id6es- 
forces," or motor ideas, are of two kinds : scientific ideas and moral 
ideas. Just as ethnic and religious ideas are dividing factors, so 
scientific ideas are conciliatory in tendency. Science recognises no 
colour line : it is neither white, yellow, nor black, neither Christian 
nor Mahommedan. When a man of science demonstrates the 
equality of two triangles, he makes the sides of these triangles 
coincide ; and no less surely do his geometrical conclusions coincide 
with that of all other geometricians, be they white, yellow, or black. 

Over and above the consciousness of race, nationality, or religion, 
scientific ideas develop a human and social, not to say human and 
cosmic consciousness. Science, then, is the great reconciler, the 
fruitful germ of universal peace, realising in the world of intelligence 
the maxim " All in one." By the force that belongs to ideas union 
tends to pass from the intellect into the heart. Men of science, be 
their colour white or yellow, hail one another as brothers. 

Industrial technique, being the application of science, shares the 
universal character of science. A railroad, whether Chinese or 
English, is always a railroad. A telegraph line, Russian or Japanese, 
is always a telegraph-line. A telephone, whether Turkish or Aus- 


trian, is always a telephone. Every industrial invention is a manifes- 
tation of science, truth leaping into obviousness in all its luminous 
impersonality, and, like the sun, shining equally upon black and 

Hand in hand with science and industry goes commerce, another 
bond between races. Commerce requires a constant increase in the 
number and speed of the methods of communication, and these bring 
nations together; and commerce requires, moreover, codes of morality 
and law which tend to the establishment of moral and legal simi- 
larities between one race and another similarities the importance 
of which is becoming daily more manifest. 

Another great link between races and nations, and one which is 
destined in the future to play a still more important part, is to be 
found in philosophical ideas. Even in the Middle Ages such ideas 
were the bond that united Christians, Jews, and Mussulmen. St 
Thomas, Averroes, Avicenna, Maimonides paid common homage to 
Plato and Aristotle. To-day there are many points on which a 
disciple of Confucius or of Mencius will have small difficulty in 
coming to an understanding with a disciple of Kant or of Schopen- 
hauer. Philosophical ideas, even when they seem to divide men by 
the apparent multiplicity of their systems, yet really unite them in 
one and the same love of truth, one and the same disinterested 
inquiry into the heart of things, into the meaning of the ultimate 
laws of nature and of life. Among all true philosophers the critical 
spirit and the speculative interest are the same. While all religions 
are guilty of the two great capital crimes pride and hatred the 
philosopher knows that he knows little or nothing. He delights in 
contradiction, inasmuch as it reveals to him another aspect of truth 
which differs from his own. His opponents seem to him at bottom 
his best friends. He has no inclination whatsoever to kill or burn 
them. His universal tolerance is not born of a condescending indul- 
gence for those who differ from him, but of respect for freedom of 
conscience and of gratitude for efforts which are complementary to 
his own and for the fresh light which comes to the aid of his own 
imperfect vision. Nor must it be thought that philosophical ideas, 
with the new perspective which they open out upon life and the 
world, are doomed to remain the exclusive possession of a small and 
select company. Little by little they mingle with the intellectual 
atmosphere which is the property of us all. The thoughts of men 
such as Descartes, Voltaire, Rousseau, or Kant float, so to speak, in 
the very air we breathe. Many humble people who have never even 
heard these names are unconsciously affected by those philosophical 
influences which have helped to mould our modern civilisation. 
Thanks to the world's thinkers, there is something new under the 


sun ; something new, too, in our human consciousness. Nothing is 
lost ; all is fruitful and multiplies ; ideas which to all appearance are 
most abstract end by taking form and dwelling among men. Here 
we have the true mystery of incarnation. 

III. Are we, then, to trust solely to the spontaneous propagation 
of science, industry, and commerce, and even of art, which is becom- 
ing more and more cosmopolitan, and of social morality and law, 
which are constantly bringing greater uniformity into systems of 
contract and exchange and international relations generally ? Or 
are we to add unto these things religious propaganda? I think not. 
The question is so important for ethnic sociology that it deserves 
closer attention. I have already said, and it cannot be repeated too 
often, that nothing divides men more than religious dogmas, each of 
which excludes absolutely the contrary dogma : sint ut sunt, aut non 
sint. Our missionaries are psychologists and sociologists who feed 
themselves on generous illusions. They think that they are going to 
convert Mahommedans or Buddhists to the beauties of Christianity. 
They only succeed in making a few isolated converts who are 
ashamed of their former co-religionists. Too often the missionaries 
make Christianity hated rather than loved. Moreover, what message 
have they for those whom they wish to enlighten ? Will not Jehovah 
seem to a disciple of Confucius just as vindictive as Baal or Moloch ? 
Will even Jesus Himself seem to a Buddhist altogether an embodi- 
ment of gentleness when He threatens those who do not share His 
beliefs with being conserved in fire to all eternity ? Take the story 
of Adam eating the apple, and thus compelling God to make His Son 
perish on the cross in order to appease His own wrath. Is it likely 
that this, from a moral and social point of view, will seem superior to 
the story of Buddha offering himself to be torn by lions and tigers ? 
How should the sacrament of the eucharist, which culminates in 
representing God as consumed in flesh and blood, convert a poor 
savage for whom a god who allows himself to be eaten will never 
be a god ? The symbolic and philosophic meaning that may be given 
to such dogmas (though, for the matter of that, most believers take 
them literally) escapes and will always continue to escape those whom 
it is desired to convert. They take hold of the dogma only by its 
absurd, inhuman, anti-social side, and they do not see why they 
should betray their race by renouncing its gods for those of a race 
that is foreign and often hostile. 

It is idle, then, to count on religion for bridging over the gulf of 
race. On the contrary, the different religious beliefs of each race 
must be respected. If a race wishes to believe in Brahma, Vishnu, 
and iva instead of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, it must be 
allowed to believe in Brahrna, Vishnu, and Qiva. Religions, through 


the whole course of history, have too often set nations at variance. 
If they have produced friendship and union, they have likewise pro- 
duced discord, hate, and war. There is not a religion which has not, 
like Lady Macbeth, stains on the hand that all the vast oceans could 
never wash away. 

Moreover, for the sociologist as for the philosopher, there is a 
violation of right and of the freedom of conscience there is an actual 
injustice in the indiscreet intrusions of preaching missionaries who 
seek to substitute a foreign for a national fanaticism. 

It is an established conclusion of sociology that every religion, 
however universal it claims to be, has always an ethnic and national 
basis corresponding to the needs and traditions of a race or nation. 
It is thus illogical to try and transplant it, either forcibly or through 
appeal to the imagination, and set it up among nations who already 
have a religion adapted to their race and nationality. Religion is 
not an " article of export." Once again, the only universal, the only 
really " catholic " things, in the Greek sense of the word, are science, 
philosophy, and morals. It is these things which we must peaceably 
introduce among races the most distant from our own. It is not the 
Christian religion which has transformed and will continue to trans- 
form Japan. It is science and industry. Men of science are to-day 
the true and only missionaries. The inventors of railroads and tele- 
graphs have done more to link different races together than all the 
Francis Xaviers and Ignatius Loyolas. Each new truth discovered 
is one light more in the firmament that all men gaze at a light, too, 
which all, save the blind, can see. It becomes the common heritage 
of all the races. It fosters in mankind, as we have seen, a common 
consciousness, a consciousness of man as man. 

It is just the same in the realm of pure moral ideas, which are 
based on the nature of men and things and give expression to the 
universal conditions of life and progress in society in other words, 
of social statics and social dynamics. Try to draw from every religion 
and every race its whole moral and really social content, and then 
accept this without troubling about dogmas and particular symbols. 
In universal religious tolerance, combined with universal morality 
and science, we have the one great means of establishing mutual 
racial sympathy. If, notwithstanding, morality itself should vary 
from one race to another, let us be tolerant of such variations. They 
will gradually wear away under the influence of mutual friction and 
of a progressing civilisation which is becoming daily more uniform. 
Allow the Mahommedans to wed several wives openly and do not 
yourself wed several secretly. There must be a tolerance in morality 
no less than in religion and philosophy. Provided that there is no 
actual attack on other peoples' rights, you should shut your eyes to 


customs which are not those of your race or country. Wait till 
science and civilisation have gradually reformed them. 

In short, new forces are gaining ground, forces that are working 
in favour of peace. International life a product of science, industry, 
and economic relations is hardly yet born ; yet it is daily becoming 
a more and more comprehensive reality, including within its sphere 
items whose number and importance are steadily increasing. Nor 
is this common life merely international. Might one not say that 
it is also inter-ethnic, in the sense of embracing the most diverse 
races, not only in Europe, but also in America, Asia, and Africa ? 
Over the whole globe we are witnessing the spread and propagation 
of ideas that are also forces motor ideas which are everywhere 
identical and are drawing very different minds in the same directions. 

For the sociologist, there is but one practical means of bringing 
races together, and that is to diffuse scientific, moral, and social instruc- 
tion as widely as possible. Instruction of this kind, spread gradually 
among the different nations, is the one great means of ensuring peace. 

As we have shown in our Psychological Sketch of European 
Nations, it is a historical law that the progress of modern civilisation 
is marked by a continually growing ascendancy of scientific, social, 
and therefore intellectual or moral factors, over such as are racial, 
geographical, and climatic. The advance of science and of industrial 
invention is transforming, with ever-growing swiftness, the conditions 
of social life and labour and also the mutual relations of the various 
classes. No nation can flatter itself with the belief that its pre-eminence 
will last for ever. None, on the other hand, can be condemned to an 
incurable decline. Thanks to a universal solidarity, each race profits 
by the discoveries and experiences of the others. This law of solidarity 
in social environment is daily asserting itself more strongly against the 
conditions which favour a native originality due to racial temperament 
and physical environment. 1 As I have already stated elsewhere, it is 
neither to Anglo-Saxons nor Germans that the future belongs, neither 
to Greeks nor Latins, neither to Christians nor Buddhists ; but rather 
to those most qualified by their knowledge, industry, and morality. 
[Paper submitted in French.^ 


By G. S FILLER, Hon. Organiser of the Congress. 

" Backward" does not necessarily mean "inferior." RATZEL. 

IT is generally conceded that we should be considerate to all races of 
men regardless of their capacities ; but there is equal agreement, and 

1 Esquisse psychologique des peuples europeens. Conclusions. 


rightly so, that we should be considerate to domesticated animals, for 
instance. Here, then, is our dilemma, for the most considerate of 
men, if he is sane, will not treat his horse exactly as he treats his 
compatriot, e.g., he will not expect both of them to converse, to 
reflect, to fashion and obey the laws. Accordingly, considerate 
actions have to be adapted to the nature of the being we have 
dealings with, and if some races of men should prove to be very 
decidedly inferior to other races in inherited capacity, it is evident that 
they would have to be treated apart to a very considerable degree, 
being excluded, perhaps, from all important functions in the com- 
munity. This, of course, would not preclude our loving them 
tenderly and doing everything which conduced to their welfare. 

Now, since it is hotly contended that " the Negro is not a human 
being at all, but merely a different form of ox or ass, and is, therefore, 
only entitled to such kindness as a merciful man shows to all his 
cattle," and since this is as warmly contested by the Negroes and 
other races concerned, it becomes a vital matter to grapple with the 
problem of race equality. Especially is this important because 
many races are actually being treated, or even mal-treated, as 
inferiors, without any strong presumption in favour of the alleged 
race-inferiority. If to this be added the all-too-ready tendency to 
regard other races than our own as- " inferior races," and to force these 
into becoming our hewers of wood and drawers of water, it is manifest 
that there is urgent need for some light to be thrown on the subject. 

Moreover, if the brotherhood of man is to become a reality, as 
poets and prophets have fondly dreamed, and if the great nations of 
the world, irrespective of race, are to create a World Tribunal and a 
World Parliament, it is indispensable that the leading varieties of 
mankind shall be proved substantially equals. A parliament com- 
posed of human beings very widely differing in capacity is a 
palpable absurdity, only realisable in Alice in Wonderland. Firmin, 
seeing the bearing of this, wisely remarks, " Les races, se recon- 
naissant gales, pourront se respecter et s'aimer " (De FEgaliti des 
Races Humaines, 1885, p. 659). 

However, we need not include in our problem every tribe and 
race whatsoever, but only the vast aggregate of mankind, say, China, 
Japan, Turkey, Persia, India, Egypt, Siam, the Negro, the American 
Indian, the Philippino, the Malay, the Maori, and the fair-white and 
dark-white races. These constitute, perhaps, nine-tenths of the human 
race. If an insignificant people here and there, say the Veddahs or 
the Andamanese, the Hottentots or the Dyaks, should be shown to 
be unquestionably inferior, this would constitute no grave inter-racial 
problem. The rare exception would prove the rule, and the broad 
rule would make the reality of the rare exception doubtful. 


A century ago the issue we are discussing might have been very 
difficult of approach. Our knowledge of other races was then a 
negligible quantity, and of most of the important races we had no 
compelling evidence of higher aptitudes. This is altered now. We 
know almost intimately the various great peoples, and fortunately 
there exists to-day a common standard by which we can measure 
them at least in one respect. This standard is supplied by the 
University. As a mere matter of theory it is conceivable that not one 
non-Caucasian should be capable of graduating at a University, and 
it is even possible to conceive that a number of peoples should not 
be able to force their way through the elementary school. The data, 
however, favour no such conclusion, for individuals of all the select 
races which we have mentioned above have graduated in modern 
universities and in diverse subjects. 1 To appreciate this statement, 
especially in the light of disparaging remarks to the effect that the 
facial angle of certain races more nearly approaches that of apes than 
that of Caucasians, we must remember that not a solitary ape has yet 
been known to have reached the stage of being able to pass the 
entrance examination to an infant school or kindergarten. We must 
agree with Ratzel, who says, " There is only one species of man ; the 
variations are numerous, but do not go deep." 

An objector might argue that the academic member of an 
inferior race is a shining exception, a freak of nature, and that from 
his feat nothing can be deduced regarding the average capacity of 
his race. This theoretical objection can be disposed of in various 
ways. We might meet it with the irresistible contention that no 
member of any species departs far from the average, for else a lioness 
could give birth to a tiger. Or we might, what is more satisfactory, 
test the objection by the data to hand. For example, of the ten 
million Negroes in the United States, many are said to be lawyers as 
well as surgeons and physicians, several thousand have graduated in 
Universities, 2 hundreds of thousands ply trades or have acquired 
property, and a few, such as Dr. Booker Washington and Professor 
DuBois, are recognised as men of distinction.3 Nor is even this a 

1 Certain inquiries at European universities where Asiatic and African students are 
to be found, tend to show that there is no good reason for thinking that they possess 
less ability than European students. 

3 See Prof. W. G. B. DuBois's searching volume, The College-bred Negro. 

3 M. Firmin, a Haitian, a full-blooded Negro, I am informed, has written a highly 
learned and remarkably judicious and elegant work on the Equality of the Human 
Races. Another Haitian, of humble and pure descent, but who later became Presi- 
dent of the Republic of Haiti, General Legitime, has composed a luminous and 
comprehensive introduction to philosophy. A West Indian of immaculate Negro 
descent, Dr. Th. Scholes, has issued two excellent treatises on the races question. 
The Hon. John Mensa Sarbah, a West African, has written with conspicuous ability 
on the Fanti National Constitution. Many other works of equal worth, composed by 
Negroes, exist. 


fair statement of the case. The Negro population of the United 
States is despised if not downtrodden, largely deprived of elementary 
education, and lacking, therefore, generally wealth and the corre- 
sponding opportunities for culture. Manifestly, if we assumed that 
the Negro race ceased to be thus severely handicapped, the possible 
number of university graduates among them would materially 
increase. 1 There remains alone the academic argument that under 
equal conditions the white race might show a greater proportion of 
professors or graduates, but the figures are wanting to decide this. 
Suffice it that we cannot speak of exceptions where thousands of 
graduates are involved. 

A final objection might be raised relating to the absence of great 
men among the Negroes of the United States. They have produced 
no Shakespeare, no Beethoven, no Plato. Which is perfectly true ; 
but neither have the teeming millions of the white race of America 
produced one such towering giant through the centuries. Moreover, 
the time of the recognition of great men appears to be from about 
the age of fifty onwards, and altogether only a little over forty years 
have passed since slavery was abolished in the United States. 

Needless to say, what is stated in the preceding paragraphs 
regarding the capacities of the Negro race which, according to Sir 
Harry Johnston, embraces some 150,000,000 souls holds with 
increased force of the great Oriental peoples, who can point to 
complex civilisations and to illustrious sons and daughters. 2 

We must now examine the contention that man is more than 
intellect, and that while the various races may be possibly equal on 
the whole as regards intelligence^ they differ much in enterprise^ morals, 
and beauty. 

Enterprise is a vague term to define. So far as the qualities of 
the warrior are in question, these appear to be universal. The 
Greeks, the Romans, and the Carthaginians were certainly bold and 
daring. The Egyptians, the Persians, and the Hebrews fought 
intrepidly. The Middle Ages found Christians, Turks, and Huns, 
accomplished in the fine art of massacre. Gustav Adolf of Sweden, 
Frederick the Great, Napoleon, Wellington, splendidly led superb 
armies. Japan recently showed the world what matchless fighting 
stuff is to be found in the Far East And so-called savage tribes 
north, south, east, and west appear to be no whit behind in the 
matter of dauntless bravery. 

1 It might be said that many of the so-called Negro graduates are not full blacks. 
Since, however, very many of them are, the argument remains unaffected. It should 
also be noted that "coloured" people are treated precisely as if they were full-blooded. 

" I consider that your propositions could be abundantly supported by instances 
taken from India," writes a Civil Servant who occupied for many years a responsible 
post in India. 


War, however, is supposed to offer a powerful stimulus, and it is 
argued that where the stimulus is gentle, it finds some races 
responding and not others. Inveterate idleness is thus stated to 
distinguish most non-European races. The Hon. James S. Sherman, 
Vice-President of the United States, well grasps this nettle. " The 
Indian," he says, " is naturally indolent, naturally slothful, naturally 
untidy; he works because he has to work, and primarily he does not 
differ altogether from the white man in that respect. Mr. Valentin, 
this morning, very vividly pictured what the Indians were. He said, 
as you remember, that some drink, some work, and some did not, 
some saved their money, some provided for their families, and some 
went to jail. Still / would like to know what single white community 
in this whole land of ours that description does not cover ? " (Report 
of the Twenty-Seventh Annual Meeting of the Lake Mohonk 
Conference of Friends of the Indian and other Dependent Peoples, 
October 20-22, 1909, pp. 80-8 1. Italics are ours.) Vice-President 
Sherman gives here the happy despatch to a very common fallacy. 
Man requires an appropriate stimulus to spur him to action whether 
it be that of the warrior, the hunter, the shepherd, the peasant, the 
tradesman, or the scholar, and West and East are at one in this 
respect. The inhabitants of China and Japan are world-famed for 
their industriousness, and the populations of Turkey, Persia, and 
India are also busy bees in the mass. Similarly the Negro and 
the American Indian in the United States are falling into the habit 
of what is called work in the West, and primitive peoples generally 
are as active as the circumstances demand. 

Fearlessness and industry may not form dividing lines between 
the races ; but what of such attributes as initiative, inventiveness, 
progress ? Historians inform us that in Dante's time the Western 
methods of agriculture were still those of the ancient Romans, and 
they further show us that the red-haired Teutons about the beginning 
of our era, while possessing themselves a civilisation of a most rudi- 
mentary character, exhibited no desire to emulate the dark-white 
civilised Romans with whom they came into contact. Should we, 
then, be justified in concluding from such facts that the European 
races in general and the Teutonic race in particular are unprogressive 
races ? Or does this not suggest that complex social conditions 
determine whether a race shall be pushful, empire-building, inventive, 
progressive? So far as modern warfare is concerned, Japan ranges 
now admittedly with the great Western Powers, and in industry and 
in science this Eastern nation is also taking its place in the front 
rank. Yesterday, as it were, despotic rule was supposed to hall-mark 
the East, to-day representative government is clamoured for in the 
few Oriental countries where it does not exist already. This, too, 



merely repeats the story of Europe's recent emergence from an auto- 
cratic regime. Taking further into consideration the imposing ancient 
civilisations of Egypt and Babylon, Persia and Phoenicia, and more 
especially the magnificent civilisation of China which is responsible 
for innumerable inventions and discoveries of the highest order, and 
bearing in mind that every country in the East is at present 
remodelling its civilisation on Western lines, it is reasonable to 
suggest that, so far as the spirit of enterprise is concerned, the 
various races of mankind may be said to be, broadly speaking, 
on an equality. 

We must now examine another momentous factor,/^ moral factor, 
A few decades ago, due partly to unavoidable ignorance and partly 
to racial and religious prejudice, it was thought that morality was a 
monopoly of the West. Bret Harte's Ah-Sin was the typical 
Chinese ; cruelty and prevarication were alleged to be the special 
prerogative of the Mohammedan ; the less developed types of men 
were head-hunters, cannibals and shameless ; and self-respect and 
respect for others were iridescent virtues only to be encountered in 
Central Europe and the United States. Now, however, that we 
possess the beautiful Sacred Books of the East in translation, this 
view has lost almost every vestige of justification, for much in the 
Chinese, Hindu, Persian, Hebrew, and even Egyptian and Baby- 
lonian classics is of the profoundest ethical significance. 

Coming to moral practice, travellers of unimpeachable repute have 
taught us that love of family and country, devotion to friends, 
succour of those in distress, are not virtues characteristic of any 
one particular race. Concerning the Chinese the distinguished 
English missionary and scholar, Dr. Legge, says in a Present-Day 
Tract, " Take the Chinese people as a whole . . . and there is much 
about them to like and even to admire. They are cheerful, temperate, 
industrious, and kindly, and in these respects they will bear a com- 
parison, perhaps a favourable comparison, with the masses of our 
own population. ... I found those of them who had any position 
in society for the most part faithful to their engagements and true to 
their word. I thought of them better, both morally and socially, 
when I left them, than when I first went among them, more than 
thirty years before." And such passages abound in modern works, 
not only in regard to the doyenne of the nations, but in regard to 
most non-European peoples. 1 

Lastly, that there is little to choose in regard to physique, a glance 

'."Among the cleanest physically and morally men that I have known have 
been some of African descent " (Prof. B. G. Wilder, The Brain of the American Negro, 
1909). See also the chapter on the truthfulness of the Hindus in M,ix Mtiller's What 
Can India Teach Usf 


at any good modern collection of fair-sized ethnographical photo- 
graphs will show. It was the old drawings, little more than na'fve 
caricatures, and later the photographs of hideous exceptions, which 
supplied us with those types of other races that suggest startling race 
distinctions. Michelet and others have dwelt on the beauty of 
Haitians, and Firmin, with apparent good reason, thinks that the 
classic type of beauty is closely bound up with a high state of 
civilisation, a remark which Schneider {Die Naturvb'lker, 1885) 
endorses. Privation and affluence, refinement and degradation, 
leave their traces on uncivilised and civilised alike. 

We are, then, under the necessity of concluding that an impartial 
investigator would be inclined to look upon the various important peoples 
of the world as, to all intents and purposes, essentially equals in intellect, 
enterprise, morality, and physique. 

Race prejudice forms a species belonging to a flourishing genus. 
Prejudices innumerable exist based on callousness, ignorance, mis- 
understanding, economic rivalry, and, above all, on the fact that our 
customs are dear to us, but appear ridiculous and perverse to all who 
do not sympathetically study them. Nation looks down on nation, 
class on class, religion on religion, sex on sex, and race on race. It 
is a melancholy spectacle which imaginative insight into the lives 
and conditions of others should remove. 

Considering that the number of race characteristics is legion, it 
would be embarrassing to assert that they possess a deeper meaning. 
Every small tribe seems to be the happy possessor of a little army of 
special characteristics, and one ethnologist actually speaks of five 
hundred tribes to be found in a radius of as many miles in a certain 
locality. The American Indians are said to be related to the Tartars, 
whilst possessing very distinct common traits ; and each of the at 
present recognised great racial divisions is equally capable of sub- 
division, and equally merges by degrees into the others. Again, we 
hear of red-haired, yellow-haired, fair-haired, brown-haired, and black- 
haired peoples, and we read of frizzly hair, woolly hair, silken hair, 
as well as of a few tufts of hair on the head in some tribes, and trains 
of hair trailing on the ground in others. Peoples differ in average 
height from less than four feet to over six feet. Some of these have 
very small and others very large eyes, and length of limbs varies 
considerably. The bodies of some few tribes are richly covered with 
hair, while others are practically devoid of it. The variations in 
colour of skin, from pink to yellow, reddish-brown and black-brown, 
are very conspicuous, and the so-called Caucasian type alone embraces 
the fair Scandinavian, the dusky Italian, the dark Hindu, and the 
almost black Fellah. Noses, lips, chins, cheek-bones, jaws, vary 
prodigiously, and no less facial angle, forehead, and shape of skull. 


Accordingly the observable physical differences between so-called 
distinct races must be regarded as incidental on pain of having to 
assume hundreds of separate origins for the human race. Ratzel 
truly says : " It may be safely asserted that the study of comparative 
ethnology in recent years has tended to diminish the weight of the 
traditionally accepted views of anthropologists as to racial dis- 
tinctions, and that in any case they afford no support to the view 
which sees in the so-called lower races of mankind a transition stage 
from beast to man." x 

We commonly judge races nearly as much by their customs as 
by their physical appearance, almost as if the former fatally depended 
on the latter. Indeed, anthropologists and travellers often unques- 
tioningly and unsuspectingly assume that the mental traits of races 
are innate and fixed, like the tendency to anger or to walking 
uprightly. Yet a Zulu, for instance, taken from his tribe where he 
appears to possess innumerable rooted and peculiar customs, very 
soon loses them nearly all. The American Negro missionaries in 
Africa find that custom is deeper than physical appearance, since 
their fellow Negroes in Africa look upon them as Americans rather 
than as men of their own kith and kin. As one of the Honorary 
Vice-Presidents of the Congress, the first delegate to the Second 
Hague Conference of one of the greatest Eastern Empires, convinc- 
ingly expresses this in a letter to the Congress Executive : " Races 
show nothing but skin-deep differences. Differences of language, of 
religion, of manners and customs, are nothing but accidental 
modalities attendant on the respective historical evolution in the 
past in no way sufficiently powerful to efface the sub-stratum 
common to all humanity, and in no way tending to hinder any 
co-operative effort in the fulfilment of the mission common to 
mankind in general." 

Is it, then, to be inferred, we may be asked in astonishment, that 
we should encourage indiscriminate miscegenation, free intermarriage 
between white, black, and yellow races? The inference need not 
be drawn, since we may say that, just as in parts of Europe, for 
instance, Protestants, Catholics, and Jews live together amicably 
while yet intermarrying very rarely, so the equality of the human 
races might be universally acknowledged and yet intermarriage not 
take place. However, we ought to note that in the West the fairest 
whites freely intermarry with the darkest whites, and that it is 
difficult to see why theoretically at least any limit should be 

What has been said above regarding the ephemeral importance 

* A comprehensive criticism of works that lay stress on the inequality of races is to 
be found in Jean Finot's Race Prejudice and in Friedrich Hvriz'sModcrncRasscnthcorien. 


of racial distinctions embraces, so it appears to the present writer, 
the bedrock truth which must be ever borne in mind in this contro- 
versy. The trunk of the elephant, the neck of the giraffe, are some- 
thing singular in the animal kingdom. Man, too, possesses a unique 
quality which likewise sharply divides him from sentient beings 
generally. All other animals are almost altogether guided by 
individual or gregarious instincts, and their wisdom, natural and 
acquired, almost completely dies with them. The bee's hive and the 
ant's nest represent wonderful structures ; but these structures, 
wherever we meet them, are so strikingly alike that it is evident 
natural selection and not reason or tradition accounts for them. 
Only man as a race has a history a history of speech and writing, 
a history of architecture and dress, a history of laws, and one of arts 
and crafts. The individual thought of thousands of brains has, to 
give a trivial instance, created the safety bicycle, and the collective 
thought of millions through the ages has built up our complex civili- 
sation. And this thought is transmitted socially through home and 
school education, through public institutions, or through the impos- 
ing accumulations of science, art, and industry. Except for such 
social transmission the work of the past would have to be com- 
menced, Sisyphus-like, all over again by each generation, and the 
stage of savagery and barbarism would be unending. 

Man's social nature distinguishes him from his fellow animals 
absolutely in that no animal species, however gregarious, is in posses- 
sion of traditional knowledge collected throughout the length and 
breadth of thousands of years, and fundamentally in that any attempt 
to turn an animal into a social being is doomed to fail miserably. 
To illustrate, the domesticated animals may readily be isolated at 
birth from their kind with no appreciable consequences to their 
development, while, on the other hand, a human being thus placed 
would probably grow up more brutish than a brute. Man's upright 
attitude, his comparative hairlessness, the place of his thumbs, the 
size and weight of his brain, are undoubtedly radical differentiae in 
relation to other animals ; but these in themselves do not constitute 
him the premier species of the globe. The most hopelessly 
benighted pigmy in the forests of Central Africa possesses these 
characteristics nearly in perfection. The social and historical 
element makes man the civilised being, and it alone accounts for 
the successive ages of stone, bronze, iron, steam, and electricity. 

A theory such as is here propounded ought to remove innu- 
merable preconceptions from thinking minds. It is a theory which 
in a very real sense makes all men kin. It discourages inconsiderate 
pride of race, of sex, of birth, of nation, of class, and of religion. 
It encourages education, co-operation, science, strenuousness com- 


bined with modesty, and equal rights and opportunities for all men 
and women. It puts at its true value the eminently plausible but 
almost certainly unscientific doctrine that mankind can solely or 
mainly be improved in the only manner that animals can i.e. t by 
careful selection or breeding. Above all, it paves the way for 
national and international concord and co-operation, and for a 
fair treatment of backward races, subject peoples, and small nations. 
In conclusion, the writer of this paper cannot refrain from 
expressing a fervent hope that the deliberations of this historic 
Congress may result in a better understanding and a higher appre- 
ciation of the different peoples on the globe, and may lead to the 
enactment of beneficent laws as well as to the formation of a 
powerful public opinion which shall promote this loftiest of objects. 

Conclusions. The present writer has taken the liberty to put 
forward as his conclusions certain proposals implicit in the Question- 
naire published by the Congress Executive. He has preserved the 
wording as far as possible : 

f j-jl. (a) It is not legitimate to argue from differences in physical characteristics 
to differences in mental characteristics, (b) The physical and mental charac- 
teristics observable in a particular race are not (i) permanent, (2) modifiable 
only through ages of environmental pressure ; but (3) marked changes in 
popular education, in public sentiment, and in environment generally, may, 
apart from intermarriage, materially transform physical and especially mental 
characteristics in a generation or two. 

2. (a) The status of a race at any particular moment of time offers no index 
to its innate or inherited capacities. (6) It is of great importance in this 
respect to recognise that civilisations are meteoric in nature, bursting out 
of obscurity only to plunge back into it. 

3. (a) We ought to combat the irreconcilable contentions prevalent among 
all the more important races of mankind that their customs, their civilisations, 
and their race are superior to those of other races. (6) In explanation of 
existing differences we would refer to special needs arising from peculiar 
geographical and economic conditions and to related divergences in national 
history ; and, in explanation of the attitude assumed, we would refer to 
intimacy with one's own customs leading psychologically to a love of them 
and unfamiliarity with others' customs tending to lead psychologically to dislike 
and contempt of these latter. 

4. (a) Differences in economic, hygienic, moral, and educational standards 
play a vital part in estranging races which come in contact with each other. 
(b) These differences, like social differences generally, are in substance almost 
certainly due to passing social conditions and not to innate racial charac- 
teristics, and the aim should be, as in social differences, to remove these 
rather than to accentuate them by regarding them as fixed. 

5. (a) The deepest cause of race misunderstandings is perhaps the tacit as- 
sumption that the present characteristics of a race are the expression of fixed 
and permanent racial characteristics. (6) If so, anthropologists, sociologists, 
and scientific thinkers as a class, could powerfully assist the movement for a 
juster appreciation of races by persistently pointing out in their lectures and 
in their works the fundamental fallacy involved in taking a static instead 


of a dynamic, a momentary instead of a historic, a local instead of a general, 
point of view of race characteristics, (c) And such dynamic teaching could 
be conveniently introduced into schools, more especially in the geography 
and history lessons ; also into colleges for the training of teachers, diplomats, 
colonial administrators, and missionaries. 

6. (a) The belief in racial superiority is largely due, as is suggested above, 
to unenlightened psychological repulsion and under-estimation of the dynamic 
or environmental factors ; (6) there is no fair proof of some races being sub- 
stantially superior to others in inborn capacity, and hence our moral standard 
need never be modified. 

7. (A) (a) So far at least as intellectual and moral aptitudes are concerned, 
we ought to speak of civilisations where we now speak of races ; (b) the stage 
or form of the civilisation of a people has no connection with its special 
inborn physical characteristics ; (c) and even its physical characteristics are 
to no small extent the direct result of the environment, physical and social, 
under which it is living at the moment. (B) To aid in clearing up the con- 
ceptions of race and civilisation, it would be of great value to define these. 

8. (a) Each race might with advantage study the customs and civilisations 
of other races, even those it thinks the lowliest ones, for the definite purpose 
of improving its own customs and civilisation. (6) Unostentatious conduct 
generally and respect for the customs of other races, provided these are 
not morally objectionable, should be recommended to all who come in passing 
or permanent contact with members of other races. 

9. (a) It would be well to collect accounts of any experiments on a considerable 
scale, past or present, showing the successful uplifting of relatively backward 
races by the application of purely humane methods ; (b) also any cases of 
colonisation or opening of a country achieved by the same methods ; (c) and such 
methods might be applied universally in our dealings with other races. 

10. The Congress might effectively (a) carry out its object of encouraging 
better relations between East and West by encouraging or carrying out, among 
others, the above proposals, and more particularly (6) by encouraging the forma- 
tion of an association designed to promote inter-racial amity. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 



By JOHN M. ROBERTSON, M.P., London. 

IN most discussions on the demands by members of subject races 
for self-governing institutions, there appears to be little recognition 
either of the strength of the historic case for autonomy, or of the 
vital danger of its perpetual prevention. Perhaps this is in part 
due to the mode in which such claims are usually pressed. The 
mouthpieces or champions of the depressed races commonly, and 
naturally, make the appeal to their masters on grounds of abstract 
right and justice ; and, when met by the reply, " You are not 
qualified to govern yourselves," they as naturally retort with an 
indictment of the governing faculty of the controlling Power, and 
a claim to be equal in intelligence and civilisedness to other races 
who actually have attained autonomy. Thereafter the debate is 
apt to become a series of recriminations, the spokesmen of the 
ruling race using the language of contempt, and the other side the 
language of resentment 

Inasmuch as the handling of specific cases is apt to reopen 
such unprofitable disputes, it may be well to try to state the 
general case from the point of view of dispassionate political 
science, leaving for separate discussion the practical problems of 
method and initiation in given instances. To this end we have 
first to make clear the implications of the negative answer commonly 
given to the aspiring " native." It really amounts to confessing 
that all peoples who have not hitherto governed themselves are 
relatively undeveloped ; that, in short, self-government is the pre- 
requisite of any high level of social organisation and general 
capacity. This implication, however, is not always avowed, even 



by the more thoughtful exponents of "imperialism" in our own 
day ; and until recent times it was rather the exception than the 
rule for historians even to note that when, in ancient Greece and 
Rome, an end was put to the life of free discussion and political 
conflict, the general level of human faculty began to sink. The 
truth that the habit of constant debate and the perpetual practice 
of affairs are the vital conditions of intellectual and moral betterment 
for communities as wholes, is still far short of being a current axiom. 
Yet it is proved alike by the decay of the classic civilisations after 
the ending of autonomy and by the advance of modern civilisation 
hand in hand with autonomy. And no great subtlety of analysis 
is needed to explain the necessity. 

Even the strongest champions of the rule of advanced over 
backward races admit the evils of despotism : it is indeed one of 
the main pleas of British imperialists that British rule is better 
for those under it than the " native " despotism which would be 
the only alternative. Yet the same reasoners constantly avow the 
fallibility of British rulers ; inasmuch as they mostly belong to 
one of two parties, of each of which the members habitually impeach 
alike the capacity and the good faith of those of the other. Unless, 
then, it is alleged that a man confessedly fallible in dealing with 
the members of his own advanced race becomes infallible when 
dealing with men whose language, ideals, and religion are alien to 
his, it follows that mistakes are made by all dominant races in 
their treatment of subject races. 

Is it to be desired, then, that the latter should be either too 
unintelligent to know when they are misruled or too apathetic to 
care? The avowal of either desire would obviously amount to a 
complete condemnation of the ideal or polity involving it. Every 
polity professes to aim at betterment. But where there exist no 
means of correction or protest on the part of those who suffer by 
errors of government, there must be generated either apathetic 
despair or a smouldering resentment. It would be gratuitously 
absurd to expect that the men of the " backward " race should be 
positively more patiently forgiving or more cheerfully tolerant 
than their " advanced " masters. If they can be so, they are the 
more " advanced " race of the two, in some of the main points of 
capacity for self-rule. If, on the other hand, they are not to be 
either brutalised or prostrated, they must think and criticise ; and, 
as John Stuart Mill long ago pointed out, efficient thinking cannot 
coexist with a settled belief however acquired or imposed in the 
entire beneficence of the ruler. To cognise beneficence there is 
needed judgment, reflection on experience ; and absolute faith in 
the superior wisdom of the ruler would soon make an end of the 


very faculty of judging, by making an end of its exercise. An 
unexercised reason cannot subsist. In a word, if the ruled are to 
progress, they must think and judge ; and if they think and judge 
they must from time to time be dissatisfied. There is no escape 
from the dilemma ; and if the ruling race is at all conscientious, 
at all sincere in its professed desire for the betterment of its subjects, 
it must desire to know when and why they are dissatisfied. The 
need for reciprocity holds no less, albeit with a difference, in the 
case of the ruler. To exercise an absolute control over a community 
or a congeries of communities in the belief that one is absolutely 
infallible, is to tread the path of insanity. 

To know that one is politically fallible, and yet never to care 
for the opinion of those whom one may be at any moment mis- 
governing, is to set conscience aside. Either way, demoralisation 
or deterioration follows as inevitably for the ruler as for the ruled. 

All history proclaims the lesson. Whether we take ancient 
despots ruling empires through satraps, or States playing the despot 
to other States, the sequence is infallibly evil. Never is there any 
continuity of sound life. In the absence of control from the 
governed, the despotisms invariably grew corrupt and feeble. On 
the substitution of despotic rule for self-rule, all the forces of 
civilisation began to fail. The State Imperialism of Rome was 
even more utterly fatal than the personal imperialism of Alexander 
and his successors : it destroyed alike the primary power of self- 
defence and the higher life throughout nearly its whole sphere, 
till all Western civilisation sank in chaos, and that of Byzantium 
survived in a state of mental stagnation only till as strong a 
barbarism assailed that as had overthrown the empire in the West. 
The domination of Florence over Pisa exhibited the fatality afresh ; 
that of Spain over Italy had the same kind of double consequences ; 
and the arbitrary rule of England over Scotland in the fourteenth 
century, and over France in the fifteenth, was similarly followed by 
periods of humiliation and decadence. It is only because of the 
much slighter implication of the national life in the remoter 
dominations of to-day that the harm is now so much less perceptible; 
the principle of harm can never be eliminated where the unsound 
relation subsists. 

The contemporary problem may be put in a nutshell. Are the 
subject races of to-day progressing or not? If yes, they must be 
on the way, however slowly, to a measure of self-government. If 
not, the domination of the advanced races is a plain failure ; and 
the talk of " beneficent rule " becomes an idle hypocrisy. The 
only possible alternative thesis is that the subject races are incapable 
of progress ; and this is actually affirmed by some imperialists who 


reason that only in " temperate climates " do the natural conditions 
essential to self-government subsist. Their doctrine may be left 
to the acceptance of all who can find ground for exultation and 
magniloquence in the prospect of a perpetual dominion of white men 
over cowed coloured races who secretly and helplessly hate them, in 
lands where white men can never hope to rear their own offspring. 

If, instead of a dreary fatalism of that description, there is urged 
upon us the simple difficulty of building up a new social order in 
the tropical or semi-tropical lands where self-rule has never yet 
subsisted, and where mixture of races complicates every problem, 
we can at once assent. To plead difficulty is to admit desirability, 
and to confess that the perpetual absence of every element of 
political self-determination from a people's life means a failure of 
civilisation. Given that admission, difficulties may be faced in the 
spirit of good counsel. 

But the first thing to be posited is a warning that " difficulty " 
and " ill-preparedness " are in no way special to the cases of tropical 
countries and so-called " backward " races. The critical process 
applied to these cases by those who commonly fall back on the 
formula of " unfitness " is extraordinarily imperfect. On their own 
view, those races are " fit " which have slowly attained self-govern- 
ment alter starting on the journey at a notably low stage of " fitness," 
and undergoing on the way all manner of miscarriages, including 
civil v/ar. Only by development out of unfitness, obviously, is 
fitness attainable. Yet the bare fact of unfitness is constantly 
posited as if it were the fixed antipodes of fitness. It is commonly 
put, for instance, as the decisive and final answer to any plea for 
the gradual development of self-governing institutions in India, that 
if India were evacuated by the British forces there would ensue 
civil war, if not a new war of conquest That is of course an even 
superfluously valid argument against the evacuation of India, which 
no politician is known ever to have suggested. But it is put as if 
the bare potentiality were a demonstration of the unfitness of the 
Indian peoples collectively for any kind of institution tending ever 
so remotely towards autonomy. Now, within the English-speaking 
world, the mother country had civil wars in the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries ; there was civil war between mother country 
and colonies towards the end of the eighteenth ; and again within 
the independent United States and within Canada in the nineteenth 
all this in a "race" that makes specially high claims to self- 
governing faculty. On the imperialist principle, a Planetary Angel 
with plenary powers would have intervened to stop the " premature 
experiment" of Anglo-Saxon self-government at any one of the 
stages specified if indeed he had ever allowed it to begin. 


It would seem that a first step towards a scientific or even a 
quasi-rational view of the problem must be to put aside the 
instinctive hypothesis that faculty for self-government is a matter 
of " race." The people of the United States, who began their own 
independent life by civil war and revolution, and have had a civil 
war since, have been largely wont to join with those of the mother 
country (whose history has included a round dozen of revolutions) 
in ascribing unfitness for self-rule to the South American Republics 
in general on the score of the number of revolutions in which they 
have indulged. Yet the South American State of Brazil has some- 
how contrived to solve peacefully the problem of slavery, which the 
United States could not solve without one of the most terrible 
civil wars in the world's history. Further, the South American 
State, after attaining republican government by a notably peaceful 
revolution, seems unhaunted by the shadow of a deadly Race 
Problem that dogs the Anglo-Saxon world in the North. It would 
seem that we must admit varieties of kind as well as degree in 
our conception of political fitness. In the middle of the nineteenth 
century, North Americans were found to impute unfitness for 
autonomy to the whole French people ; and that people, after having 
undergone three revolutions within two generations of " the " 
Revolution, which was in itself a series of Revolutions, attained 
autonomy only after a cataclysm in which civil war followed upon 
a vast disaster in foreign war. To-day, however, probably no 
thoughtful person in either hemisphere disputes the fitness of France 
for autonomy, save in a remote philosophic sense in which fitness 
for autonomy may be denied to all peoples alike. 

If the problem be reduced to its elements, in short, it will be 
found that none of the a priori arguments against autonomy for any 
race have any scientific validity. As a matter of fact, practical 
autonomy exists at this moment among the lowest and most retro- 
grade races of the earth ; and probably no experienced European 
administrator who has ever carried his thinking above the levels of 
that of a frontier trader will confidently say that any one of these 
races would be improved by setting up over them any system of 
white man's rule which has yet been tried. An extremely interesting 
experiment in white man's rule has been at work for a generation in 
Basutoland ; but whatever may be its results, it seems likely to 
remain an isolated case. 

The difficulties which stand in the way of autonomy for the 
leading subject-races consist as apart from the simple unwillingness 
of many imperialists to proceed upon a road of reciprocity in 
differences of social structure and external relations, not of mental or 
racial "character"; and much good might be done in promoting 


better feelings between rulers and ruled, if this were frankly and 
intelligently avowed by the former. When Japan has developed a 
large measure of constitutional autonomy and China is visibly moving 
on the same path, it is sufficiently idle to talk either of " Oriental " or 
of " hereditary " incapacity for self-government. The differentia for 
India are in terms of (a) multiplicity and (b) extreme disparity of 
races, involving liability to conquest (c) from within and (d) from 
without. When, again, Turkey and Persia alike have for the time 
attained autonomy by revolution, and Russia is moving theretowards 
by convulsion after convulsion in one vast protracted revolution, it 
is sufficiently idle to talk of " unpreparedness " in Egypt. The 
differentia for Egypt are in terms of (a) variety of alien elements 
installed on the spot and (&} incapacity on that as well as on other 
grounds for secure self-defence against conquest. If but Hindus 
and Egyptians were rationally dealt with in terms of these real con- 
siderations, to the exclusion of plainly fallacious and sophistical 
objections, the chances of a good understanding between dominator 
and dominated would be much improved. 

The very first step in the discussion would mean a recognition 
of the fundamental "fitness" of self-controlling machinery for all 
races alike. Putting aside all the " sentiment " accruing to the con- 
cepts of "liberty" and "independence," both parties would have 
agreed that it is good for a man to be an intelligent agent instead of 
a recalcitrant machine and good for his controller likewise. There- 
after the problem would be one of determining from time to time 
exactly how far the relation of reciprocity can be developed between 
the controlling bureaucracy and the controlled, to the end of setting 
up the state of mutual responsibility. The rational acceptance of a 
relation of primary obligation might be made easy to all " natives " 
capable of practical politics by showing them how the virtual self- 
government of Britain has been evolved, and subsists, under the 
assertion of a primary right and power of dominion, on the part of 
the sovereign. 

Given such a point of departure, the educing of local modes 
of rational relation between controllers and controlled may go on 
through the centuries at a rather more rapid rate than marked the 
evolution in the case of the Anglo-Saxon race provided only that 
the controllers possess the capacity for one thing. That is to say, 
they must have the capacity to adjust themselves to the relation 
of sovereign-race and self-asserting subjects as the actual sovereigns 
of the past had to do. " Liberties " have been won by the peoples, 
thus far, either by convincing their arbitrary rulers that real power is 
after all in the hands of the majority, or by simply removing the 
rulers who could not admit it. In the case of dominant and subject 


races, where neither process is possible, the state of upward progress 
can be brought about only by substituting in the minds of the former 
a sympathetic relation for one of mere adjustment of forces. The race 
in power must be concerned to keep pace with the evolving faculty of 
the race in tutelage, striking a careful balance at all times between 
the forces of aspiration and resistance which conflict in all Societies. 
But, above all, it must do this calmly and scientifically in face of the 
vituperation of the progressive sections of the race in tutelage. And 
here lies the " great perhaps " of the political destinies of mankind. 

Again, we may put the problem in a few words. In all auto- 
nomous countries political progress means constant friction and much 
embittered language between factions. To expect of the " back- 
ward " races that they shall be more considerate in their characterisa- 
tion of the policies of their masters than those masters have ever been 
in their own faction-strifes, is plainly fantastic. It would seem no 
very great stretch of common sense to realise that when Liberal and 
Tory, for instance, habitually denounce each other's administration at 
home, they must look to having the administration of either or both 
denounced by those who have to endure it abroad. Yet the Briton 
can daily see in his newspapers the spectacle of journalists grossly 
vituperating their own Government in one column and in another 
denouncing as " sedition " all vituperation of it by Hindus. If this 
state of moral incoherence be not transcended by the majority or the 
ruling spirits, the problem of peaceful progress towards autonomy 
among the subject races is hopeless. The demand that the latter 
shall maintain an attitude of humble acquiescence for an indefinite 
time in the hope that when they have ceased to ask for anything 
they will spontaneously be given it, is quite the most senseless formula 
ever framed in any political discussion. Peoples so acquiescent 
would be the most thoroughly unfit for self-government that have yet 
appeared. They would be no longer " viable." 

As the case stands, the responsibility clearly lies on the races 
in power. If they cannot make the small effort of self-criticism and 
consistency required to realise that they should tolerate blame from 
the races they dominate (since these can simply blame no one else 
for whatever misfortunes they endure), and should still go on helping 
them forward, the game is up. 

In that case they will have failed to comprehend the necessary 
conditions of progress in the race relations in question ; and when 
the history of the failure comes to be written, it will not be upon 
the victims of the failure, probably, that posterity will think it worth 
while to pass the verdict of "unfitness." It will be passed, if upon 
any, on the race which, imputing unfitness to those whose fate it con- 
trolled, was itself collectively unfit for the task of conducting them on 


an upward path. Insisting on being their earthly Providence, it will 
have entitled them to curse it for all their troubles. And, boasting 
all the while of its supreme capacity, no less than of its high inten- 
tions, it will have earned from the dispassionate onlooker no claim to 
merciful judgment 

That there should occur such a bankruptcy of civilisation in 
respect of this one mode of relation between races while other 
relations are improving, seems, so to speak, unnecessary. The prac- 
tical problem is certainly hard ; but then so are all great practical 
problems in politics. What is most disquieting so far is the lack 
of semblance of any general comprehension of the theoretic problem. 
The danger seems to be that the personal equation of the least 
thoughtful and most brutal sections of the dominant races will keep 
the question indefinitely on the primitive level. When whole classes 
and parties are found declaring that the subject race shall have 
no concessions made to it until it ceases to use insubordinate 
language, it becomes acutely clear to the investigator that we are 
still at the stage before science if not before morals. Obviously the 
thoroughly subordinate race will never have any " concessions " made 
to it : concessions are things asked for and striven for. Does the 
dominator, then, suggest that he is improving a backward race 
by making it cultivate servility and hypocrisy ? Is it not his 
frequent complaint that those qualities are dangerously developed 
already ? What would he have ? 

Let the imperialist once become morally consistent and we can 
usefully come to the practical problem. It is primarily one of 
education. The strongest theoretical case that could be made out 
against the plea for a measure of self-government in a subject race 
would run somewhat thus : " Precisely because this race, as you 
argue, has not had the scrambling education gone through by our 
own, it cannot pass from complete subjection to any higher state. 
You admit that they cannot simply be let loose to begin with. 
Then they cannot have the needed preparation. The countries des- 
tined to self-government get there by walking on their own feet, with 
however many stumbles. Japan and Turkey may shake off their 
native absolutism and set up constitutionalism : they do it because 
they can. But for one race to give constitutionalism to another is a 
quite different thing. There is no case on record of even the 
attempt. Remember you will be giving it to a huge and hetero- 
geneous population, many of whom do not even ask it, do not even 
dream of it" 

Putting the counter case in that way, we answer that the argu- 
ment from the past really begs the question. The fact that certain 
races have reached self-government through long endeavouring to 


stand alone, in the " natural M way of the growing child, does not 
mean that a nation or a congeries of peoples long withheld from the 
given exercise of function can never develop it. There are super- 
stitions in regard to evolution as in other matters ; and history tells 
of change by initiation as well as by haphazard adaptation. If one 
born blind, or long blind, may be enabled by surgery to see, a race 
not bred to self-government may be enabled by example and 
institution to grow gradually into the practice of it. If Turkey and 
Japan, with an " Oriental " past, can of themselves enter upon the 
new life, races in tutelage may be inducted into it under guidance. 
And where unguided races have made the entrance by more or less 
spasmodic movements and with chronic friction and reaction, super- 
vision may save others from the errors of ignorance. 

Further, if only there be good-will on the part of the race in 
command, there is not more but less difficulty in the planned intro- 
duction of the rudiments of autonomy into any polity, however 
backward, than in the compassing of them by effort from within. 
Normally, the making of all the steps is by way of a fortuitous 
wrestle between progressive and reactionary forces equally impas- 
sioned : here, it lies with the ruling races to prepare for and time the 
steps. The preparation lies in the conveyance of the two forms of 
universal knowledge knowledge how to live and work in the 
present, and knowledge of the historic past and of other polities. It 
is in terms of their failure to undertake this essential schooling that 
all dominant races thus far stand convicted of a mainly self-seeking 
relation to those in their power, all their protestations to the contrary 

Abstention from the task of education is confession either of fear 
or of indifference. Where it has never been undertaken, the charge 
of " unfitness " partakes of the nature of the indictment brought by 
the Wolf against the Lamb. The progress towards self-government 
began for our own race when other education was at a minimum. 
Let it be preceded for the backward races by such education as is 
within the competence of modern State machinery, and the old 
pretext of unfitness will become impossible. Given the initial steps, 
progression for the ruled in the discipline of self-government will be 
seen by the ruling races to be progression in co-operation, and will 
be desired instead of being feared. 

Towards irreconcilables the attitude of wise friends of the subject 
races will simply be that of sane politicians towards extremists 
in other countries. The fact of intransigeance is just a fact like 
another, one of the hundred variations in political outlook and 
bias which express the law of variation in all things. Aspiration 
or zeal without extremism has never occurred in any wide field of 


human life, and never till mankind has reached a very remote stage 
of equilibrium conceivably will. Whatever, then, may be its 
reaction, good or bad, on the totality of progress, extremism is 
literally a condition of progress in the sense of being inextirpable. 
What is to be hoped concerning it, in the cases under notice, 
Is that there as well as in the history of other races there will 
take place the usual amount of conversion through stress of ex- 
perience to more moderate ideals. And such conversion will quite 
certainly be easier when the controlling Power is avowedly bent on 
promoting racial progress than when it is believed to be funda- 
mentally hostile to all racial aspiration. For all extremism in 
politics the great prophylactic is steady progression. Those who 
would substitute for this conception that of a " one way to rule 
Orientals force " are simply reviving for Orientals that blind denial 
of natural law which has meant so much strife for Occidentals in the 
past. They are the correlatives of the irreconcilables who demand 
instant " freedom " ; and, error for error, theirs is the worse. 

{Paper submitted in English.] 



Professor of International Law in the University of Wisconsin, 
(7.S.A., Theodore Roosevelt Professor at Berlin for 1911-12. 

IN speaking on a subject so broad as that indicated by the title 
of this paper, it would be easy to fall into a discussion composed 
of vague generalisations. Yet this certainly would not correspond 
with the desires of the Committee which fixed the programme ; 
they did not, as was actually done by a small college in the west of 
the United States, intend to create a chair of Pantology. I shall 
therefore endeavour to be concrete in the few suggestions which 
I have to contribute in this discussion, and to indicate in a specific 
manner how the modern tendencies of civilisation are influenced 
by geographical situation, by economic activities, and by the forms 
of political action. 

I am not in fear of contradiction when I state that the cardinal 
fact of contemporary civilisation is the unification of the world, 
the emergence of organic relations, world- wide in scope, uniting 
the branches of the human family in all parts of the earth. This 
result is due primarily to the really marvellous advances made 
in all the methods and processes of communication. Distance has 



been annihilated, and lands on the opposite sides of the earth, 
formerly mysterious to one another, are now next-door neighbours. 
In the train of these advances there has followed the organisation 
of the economic life of the world upon a centralised system. Econo- 
mic power is radiated from the European and American centres 
to the farthest corners of Africa and Asia. Railways and other 
engineering works are executed, agricultural and mining resources 
are developed, through energies propelled from the great financial 
centres. Moreover, the scientific and technical processes employed 
in industry and commerce are also being standardised upon a 
uniform basis. With variations imposed by climatic and other 
physical conditions, the scientific methods of the world are never- 
theless practically uniform, and this uniformity reacts upon and 
strengthens the unity of economic organisation. Last, but not 
least important, there arises from all these mechanical and industrial 
advances a true psychic unity of mankind. The daily news is 
the same the world over in its great important facts. Its items 
are flashed from zone to zone, and in the morning and evening 
papers the reading world of all the continents follows the same 
dramatic unfolding of political and social world life. Great types 
of character are no longer merely national household names, but 
their lineaments are known the world over and everywhere interest is 
taken in their views and actions. There is a world-wide sympathy, 
so that if evil befall in California, or Chile, or Italy, or China, the 
entire world is affected and all nations are anxious to offer their 
aid and bear their share of the burden. 

The growth of world unity which we have witnessed in our 
day has already modified, and even superseded to some extent, 
the effect of geographic separation, of political nationalism or 
particularism, and of economic exclusiveness. Economic and social 
forces are beginning to flow in a broad natural stream, less and 
less hampered by dynastic and partisan intrigue, by protectionist 
walls, by monopolies and all sorts of exclusive privileges. 

In past ages, indeed, geographic separation was a fundamental 
fact. Mountains, deserts, and the sea set limits to the expansion of 
races and separated them from one another to such an extent as to 
prevent mutual acquaintance and understanding. Civilisation on 
this earth will, indeed, always be dependent upon physical environ- 
ment, but the complete dominance of local conditions over national 
development is a thing of the past The domination of natural 
forces has been largely overcome by scientific mastery, subduing 
nature through its processes and unifying the different branches of 
the human race. It is here that we touch upon the great achieve- 
ment of Western civilisation in the conquest of nature. The mastery 


of man over physical forces is the primal fact. To me, what dis- 
tinguishes Europe from Asia is the spirit of the Greeks with all that 
it implies, with all that developed out of it. It is in the narrow 
valleys of Hellas, confined by high mountains yet looking out upon 
the sea, that humanity first became conscious of itself and of its 
destiny. Protected from being overborne by the sweep of conquer- 
ing hordes in the great migrations that preceded settled nationalism, 
yet with a breadth of view that came from looking out upon the ocean, 
the Greek cities could acquire that stability which enabled them 
to be the theatre of an independent and consistent political develop- 
ment. Thus, secure and protected, they passed in review the things 
of this world, and there arose that spirit of free discussion which is 
the beginning of all progress and all inventiveness. Things are no 
longer taken for granted, but the reason of their being is inquired 
into. This state of mind also meant a development of independent 
individualism. Athens was a great school in which men educated 
each other, and no nation within a period so short as the hundred 
years preceding 400 B.C. has developed so brilliant and striking a line 
of great personalities as those who flourished in the small city of 
Athens during the years of her prime. In this Greek experience 
there is contained the root of that individualism, that national self- 
consciousness, that adaptability and inventiveness, which, to my 
mind, form the essence of Western civilisation, and which have been 
unfolded in its later history. 

It is not surprising that in the Orient the idea of the dominance 
of man over nature did not occur. Where the cloud-piercing 
Himalayas set a horizon to all possible expansion ; where mighty 
rivers, descending in spring torrents, flood whole provinces, sweeping 
away mankind together with its handiwork ; where earthquakes and 
tidal waves devastate the coastal regions it is not surprising that 
here man would not conceive of himself as the master of nature, the 
lord of creation. So terrible is nature in her manifestations that man 
bows down in awe and at her hands accepts life as a favour. It is 
not surprising that the Orient lived by custom, that it was reluctant 
to venture beyond what experience had proved safe and salutary, 
that it erected class and caste systems for protection against the 
mutability of things. 

It is in this connection that the presence of fixed boundaries 
defining rather narrow territories is important. Nationalism first 
grew in Greece and Italy, protected by mountains and by the sea, 
and in the modern world it was England, whose insular position 
enabled her first to develop a self-conscious and independent national 
life. In Africa the absence of such boundaries has contributed to 
hinder the development of civilisation. The tribes are not settled 


long enough, nor are their boundaries sufficiently fixed for them to 
develop those qualities which are based upon stability of location. 
The eternal shifting back and forth of population elements has 
retarded African development ; to a lesser degree and in a different 
manner has operated in the Indian and Chinese world. India, a vast 
country readily overrun by conquerors, has appeared a continent 
rather than a nation, and instead of like Attica in its protected nook 
developing a stable political system, India has relied upon the caste 
system for protection against the ever-shifting mutations of power 
and population. China, too, has appeared to her people more as a 
world than as a nation. It was again Japan that, like Greece and 
England, and like Chile in South America, first developed an intense 
spirit of nationalism and first achieved a true national organisation, 
because her territorial extent was small and her boundaries were 
strictly defined. She was protected against that influence of 
humanity in the mass which does not allow the spirit of individualism 
to stand forth in nations or in men. 

But the gift of science and invention developed in the West has 
now become the heritage of the entire world, and the vast populations 
of Asia are profoundly stirred in the transition to new views of life. 
They, too, are grasping the idea of natural law, of scientific mastery, 
and with it they are turning to the individualism and nationalism 
of the West. The conquest of Nature is thus becoming a world-wide 
phenomenon in which all races share. Distance is overcome, and 
what is accessible to one part of the world is brought to the door 
of all the others. Thus conditions are assimilated, and, through 
the spread of scientific processes, methods of thought and of action 
are becoming more and more alike the world over. Science is the 
same everywhere. The engineering solutions in railway building, 
irrigation, and other mechanical works are identical ; physics and 
chemistry are the same in France, America, and Japan. Thus 
scientific method is a unit through which the separating influence 
of geographic location is overcome. Through participation in the 
scientific spirit, those deep-lying differences in point of view, which 
had been developed through centuries of historic experience, are 
giving way to a unified mode of seeing and solving the problems 
of life. 

We may here ask whether this development does not introduce 
a danger or resuscitate an old peril under a new form ? We 
have seen that humanity needed local protection against the indis- 
criminate onslaughts of the mass. Now that natural boundaries 
have ceased to be determining factors on account of the supremacy 
of the human mind over physical conditions, is it not to be feared 
that humanity will be reduced to an indiscriminate mass lacking 


distinction in a word, that it will be vulgarised and barbarised ? 
We are still in need of cores or nuclei about which human self- 
consciousness may gather. It is here that the usefulness of 
nationalism, with its ideals, lies. When the physical conditions 
which gave it birth have lost in relative importance, humanity is, 
nevertheless, still in need of that distinguishing national self-con- 
sciousness under which its ideals and achievements will be further 
protected and developed. As mere localism the national idea has 
lost force. As a means by which values fixed and gained in the 
struggle of history may be preserved for the future it still has a 
meaning and importance. 

The economic world having become a unit, its parts mutually 
complement each other. One region produces what another re- 
quires, and it again takes from that second the products which it 
cannot itself bring forth. This is especially true of the tropics and 
the moderate zone, as, between these, physical facts will always have 
a preponderating influence. Most of the things grown in the tropics 
cannot be produced in the colder zones. The mutual dependence is 
in the nature of things permanent. Modern development has simply 
made it easier to supply the needs of one another, and have cen- 
tralised the exploitation of tropical industries in a notable manner. 
But how about the countries lying within moderate zones ? Will not 
the very similarity of scientific and industrial methods lead to more 
intense competition among them, or is it possible that there should 
be such a specialisation as will give to each a well-defined field of 
activity ? Will such products as wheat, cattle, iron, tea, cotton, and 
silk be distributed locally, so as to avoid rivalry ? It would seem 
that any intensifying of competition brought about by the develop- 
ment of scientific methods can only be temporary and superficial. 
Where science controls, the activities of each part of the world will 
be determined by underlying facts which, when once recognised, will 
have to be accepted without murmur or contradiction. As long as coal 
lasts industries may still be built up on a partly artificial basis ; but 
when that source of energy has once become exhausted, other forces 
more stationary in their nature will determine the localities where 
industry may profitably be carried on. The presence of water-power 
will be the first element in this determination. In regions where it 
is found, and to which the power generated may be taken, the 
industrial life of the future will develop. In this and other respects 
natural conditions will more and more determine the location of 
industries, to the exclusion of artificial and political factors. It is 
evident that this development will favour free trade and the abolition 
of all law-made restrictions. Already the days of excessive pro- 
tectionism are counted. Conventional tariffs, reciprocity, and all 


kinds of mutual adjustments have taken the place of the high- 
tariff policy based upon the idea that nations are entirely self-sufficing 
and that political and economic areas are synonymous. Henceforth 
natural currents of trade will more and more determine economic 
policy, when it has been found that policy would attempt in vain 
to determine the direction of these currents. 

Another phase of the newer developments of economic life is 
the internationalism of capital. In order that natural forces may be 
utilised to their fullest extent, it is necessary that technical manage- 
ment and power may be readily transferred to any place where it 
is needed. Capital is controlled by the law of the highest returns. 
It therefore instinctively and consciously seeks to co-operate with 
the forces of Nature ; its returns are most ample where Nature herself 
has created the proper conditions. From this point of view, it is 
necessary that the entire earth should be opened to industrial enter- 
prise, that the capital and energy of any nation should be free to 
engage in the development of natural resources wherever found, and 
should be safe in undertaking such development. The web and 
woof of financial power, human energy, industrial enterprise, human 
labour and natural resources are making real that possibility of 
universal inter-dependence which the technical advance of the 
world has promised for some time. 

Thus in every way the basis of artificial trade and industrial 
policies is weakening, as nations recognise their mutual dependence. 
Like scientific technique, industrial efficiency knows no national 
moods ; while still at times wedded to national policies it is essen- 
tially human and world-wide. The test of success being not 
adherence to narrower national ideals, but in the power to solve 
problems on a basis whose universal validity must be recognised by 
all, nations are thus more and more inclined to foster international 
relations in economic life. They owe it to their citizens to enable 
them to participate in these great activities. The standards are 
set by world-wide action, and success is measured by these wherever 
attempted or achieved. While national policy still strives to 
reserve some special benefits to citizens, the dominant note in 
industrial life is no longer national but international. This is also 
indicated by the manner in which practically every economic interest 
has organised itself on an international scale. Such great unions as 
those in which the activities of insurance, of railway management, 
of shipping, of agriculture, of building, of law, of education, and of 
science are discussed and acted upon, are the final proof that 
economic organisation has for ever abandoned the narrower field 
and recognises no confining local limits. 

In history, political life has been conditioned by economic and 


geographical facts. The manner in which this operated in the 
case of the Greek cities has already been pointed out Physical 
conditions set limits, even to the ambitions of imperial Rome. 
Again the despotism of Russia was made possible by natural causes, 
and English and Japanese nationalism is the result of a physical 
fact. As through the scientific progress of the world the impor- 
tance of these factors has been largely reduced, shall we conclude 
that the age of internationalism has come in politics to the same 
degree as it has come in economic life ? There is a difference. The 
development of economic internationalism is a work in which every 
progressive nation will co-operate with all its power. Also we may 
say any nation withdrawing from this movement condemns itself to 
sterility and decay. But it is not so clear that political nationalism 
has entirely completed its service to humanity. In the words of 
one of the speakers of to-day, the Sister Nivedita, words found in 
her brilliant pamphlet on Aggressive Hinduism, " Only the tree that 
is firm rooted in its own soil can offer us a perfect crown of leaf 
and blossom, only the fully national can possibly contribute to the 
cosmo-national." The civilised nation to-day will recognise that its 
aim is humanity, and that the mission of its policy transcends by 
far the limits of geographical boundary, but we cannot as yet dis- 
pense with these nuclei of human force and ideals which history 
has developed. They are the great personalities which make up the 
system of civilised states. When their work is fully done, they will 
pass away, but for a time still it will be their mission to organise the 
efforts of humanity to higher ends and to protect mankind against 
engulfment in an indiscriminate mass, with a lowering of all ideals. 
Turning more specifically to political action, we shall note that 
through the present development, which we have been following, 
the antithesis between politics in the narrower and in the broader 
sense is bound to disappear. More narrowly defined, politics is 
the struggle of men and of groups for recognised authority ; more 
broadly, it is the management and administration of the common 
affairs of a nation. To Machiavelli it was principally the former; 
to Burke it would be the latter. But it is apparent that these 
distinctions must disappear, as political leaders realise more and 
more clearly that their success is bound up with good administration. 
Now, administration is becoming more and more purely a matter 
of science. The expert side of public work has assumed such pro- 
portions that the old Greek idea and the Jackson ian Democratic 
principle of rotation in office seems entirely primitive and inade- 
quate. The American Government in its Department of Agriculture 
alone annually spends 2,000,000 sterling a year for purely scientific 
investigation. Solutions of science control as well in the army, 


the navy, and all the developmental activities of government. So 
it is no longer a matter of favour or of caprice what course of 
action shall be followed and what men shall be selected to do 
the work, but in these things scientific demonstration and impartial 
tests control. This is also true of such fields as taxation, railway 
control, and the inspection of all other economic activities. The 
prominence of the expert side of government, therefore, gives to 
that scientific unity, which permeates others fields of life, the same 
importance in public affairs. Thus the States become members 
of international unions in which expert administrations exchange 
their experience and formulate rules and principles for their common 

The principle of expert administration in modern government is 
balanced by that of public discussion in parliaments. The danger 
of bureaucratic narrowness, which may be present even in men 
guided by scientific judgment, is met by calling upon the public in 
general to participate in State affairs, to make known its opinion, 
and to select representatives who will constitute a " great inquest " of 
the nation. Thus there is supplied a corrective of administrative 
decisions and a motive power which gives original strength and 
energy to the acts of government. The same unifying tendencies 
which we have observed in other branches of human life are found 
here. The significance of the modern universal tendencies towards 
parliamentarism will be discussed by other speakers. From them we 
shall hear what effects are to be expected from the recent institutional 
changes in Turkey, Persia, Japan, China, and Russia, and from the 
Liberal movement in Mexico. When those new vast forces of public 
interest and energy are brought into the political field of action, we 
may indeed expect that the policies of the world will be profoundly 
influenced. It would be an interesting inquiry to try to trace out in 
detail how far the unifying power of scientific civilisation could be 
expected to operate upon parliamentary institutions and popular 
electorates the world over. With a mutual assimilation of the forms 
of government, there still remain very deep-seated differences in 
popular sentiment, which a growing scientific culture must seek 
gradually to overcome. Prejudices among broad masses of 
humanity are usually used as material for reactionary policies. The 
expectations that democratic Parliaments would always be pacific 
and humane have been disappointed ; but the great gain from the 
recent changes which we have noted will be that the progress of 
humanity in the future will not depend on narrower groups or 
coteries, but upon the manner in which humanity itself, that is, 
the masses of mankind, are able to respond to higher demands and 


The basis of political action is thus constantly being broadened 
out. The men who compose Governments must take into account 
natural conditions and scientific methods, and participation in public 
action is extended to constantly larger numbers. In the latter, 
primal passions and prejudices are still active ; but with the spread 
of intelligence and scientific methods of thought they too will come 
to appreciate more and more the underlying unity of mankind. 
Intelligence, allied on the one hand to the ideals of a common 
humanity, on the other to a grasp of the complex, but unifying, 
forces that make up the modern industrial world this intelligence 
we may rely upon to make political action more and more rational. 
In the last analysis, the highest demands of humanity and of 
efficiency are one; the world advances because the ideal attracts, 
and because science compels. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 


Professor of A rabic in the University of Oxford. 

THE relations between language and nationality vary very much at 
different stages of evolution. If we imagine a nation to commence, 
as its name implies, merely as an interbreeding group of human 
beings, it is evident that each group of the kind will have a common 
language or system of phonetic symbols for the communication of 
ideas, and that whoever transfers himself from one group to another 
will be compelled to adopt the system of the latter, unless he can 
force them to adopt his. But when the nation becomes a political unit, 
it may very well embrace numerous groups of the kind. It will be 
sufficient if there are a few persons capable of acting as interpreters. 
Hence both in ancient and in modern times there have been nations 
in the wider sense without a national language ; such, e.g. y is the 
case of Switzerland in the present day ; and the Babylonian king 
who issued rescripts to "all peoples, nations, and languages" was 
addressing the inhabitants of one empire, and in the larger sense the 
members of one nation. But even where there is a national language, 
as in the British Isles, there may be groups of the population who 
rarely use it ; even in London it is worth many a candidate's while to 
issue his address in a foreign language in order to appeal to a 
section of the constituents. Sometimes these groups are fluctuating, 
and the next generation will have adopted the national language ; in 


other cases a peculiar dialect or even language is tenaciously main- 
tained by local groups, who, however, may be as patriotic as the rest. 
On the other hand, two or more nations may have the same national 
language, and yet be no appreciably nearer to each other than if they 
spoke different tongues ; understanding in one sense does not pre- 
vent misunderstanding in another. 

Of the various ties which bind human beings together that of 
common language seems to possess no great strength. Other bonds 
protect it rather than it them. Where in the same city different 
languages are spoken in different quarters, the quarters are not 
isolated because the inhabitants speak different languages, but they 
speak different languages because they are isolated. They are isolated 
owing to religion or nationality ; and each preserves its own dialect 
in consequence. This is the case, t.g., in some Persian cities ; yet 
even there most of the inhabitants become bilingual or trilingual ; 
were it not for the real bonds which keep the groups together the 
linguistic differences would quickly disappear. 

Even where religion and nationality are able to maintain the 
interbreeding group in its purity, they often fail to maintain the 
national language. How variable their efficiency is in this matter 
can be illustrated from the phenomena of the Islamic empire ; the 
East Syrians have maintained their vernacular, the West Syrians 
have lost theirs ; Armenian is still spoken in Armenia, but Coptic is 
no longer spoken in Egypt. The Jews, like the Copts, might be taken 
as a type of a tenaciously interbreeding group ; yet the Jews have no 
national language ; they speak a patois of German or Spanish, or else 
make the language of their neighbours their own. Both these races 
have indeed retained religious languages as the possession of the 
learned among them ; but for ordinary use " a live dog is better than 
a dead lion." 

Statesmen in both ancient and modern times have assumed that 
the spirit of national independence must be fostered by the mainten- 
ance of a national language ; and just as under the Roman Republic 
the revolt of the Allies was accompanied by an attempt to resuscitate 
Oscan, so in our day the ardent Irish Nationalist would like to see 
Irish take the place of English in the Emerald Isle. A policy 
of this sort seems to be based on a confusion of ideas. Like the 
Sabbath, like weights and measures, like the coinage, language exists 
for man, not man for language. A private language has about the 
same value as a cipher ; it enables a group of men to communicate 
without being understood by others ; but the cipher gives them no 
advantage unless they can understand the others. The interests of 
the statesman are wholly different from those of the antiquarian or 
the naturalist ; uniformity is the ideal of the one, variety what 


charms the others. That a great nation can arise without a peculiar 
language is demonstrated by the example of the United States ; that 
nationality may be maintained in defiance of time and space, though 
the national language is forgotten, is proved by the history of the 
Jews. The endeavour therefore to turn an obscure vernacular into a 
national language when the nation is already in possession of one of 
the great languages of civilisation is not unlike in wisdom to the 
practice of burning bank-notes in order to show contempt for the 
bank that issued them. 

The converse practice, forcible suppression of a language for fear 
of its preserving a nationality which the statesman wishes to merge 
in another is somewhat more benevolent, but unlikely to compass its 
end. Polish children who are made to learn German or Russian 
instead of their mother tongue will certainly be better equipped for 
the battle of life than if they had been taught Polish ; for the utility 
of a language varies with the number of persons whom it enables 
one to understand. But that a Polish child will be prevented from 
becoming a Polish patriot because it has been compelled to learn 
some language other than Polish is an assumption not justified by 
experience. As has been seen, those interbreeding groups that have 
preserved nationality most tenaciously have lost their national 

It might be thought that the possession of a national literature, 
as a ground for national pride, would add to the isolating power of a 
national language. There are reasons which either modify this effect 
or even annul it. On the one hand, any national literature that is of 
value is international ; seven cities claim to be Homer's birthplace ; 
Paris has a public monument to Shakespeare ; the Bible originally 
a collection of Hebrew and Greek books is pronounced by a queen 
to be the source of England's greatness. Treasures are of little value 
if they are not coveted. Carlyle would not have regarded Shake- 
speare as a better national asset than the Cossacks if only England 
knew of Shakespeare. And as a rule the hereditary owners of such 
treasures are proud and delighted that others should share or even 
enter into their inheritance. 

Literary masterpieces can take care of themselves, for there will 
always be men eager to master their original languages in order to 
interpret them correctly ; and since the variations in language which 
are due to time are as great as those due to any other cause, the 
hereditary interpreter will not necessarily be the best interpreter ; 
those who have done most for the interpretation of the Greek classics 
have as a rule had little acquaintance with the dialects of modem 

Languages, then, are not worth artificially preserving either for 


patriotic or literary purposes ; like railways, they are instruments 
for communication ; and the question whether it is desirable to have 
many languages or one is not very different from the question 
whether it is best for each country to have its own gauge or that 
all should have a common gauge. The protection from invasion 
afforded by a separate gauge is slight ; the facilities for commerce 
provided by a uniform gauge are vast. The advantage to Europe 
and to mankind of a common language would be infinitely greater 
than any loss which could be sustained through the abandonment of 
a national language. The sound principle for determining what gauge 
should be adopted, if the gauges of the countries were different and 
it were decided that they should be unified, would be this : capital 
and energy are assets of the whole world, whence the mode of unifi- 
cation should be that which expended least capital and least energy. 
The gauges should be altered to the gauge of the country which 
had the greatest mileage and the largest amount of rolling 

The same is the sound principle on which the unification of 
language may one day be attempted ; perhaps our Congress will 
have played a modest part in preparing the way. The invention of 
a new language would be the least economical method ; for any 
language in possession of literary monuments, and which has been 
used for journalism, has accumulations of " rolling stock " in the 
shape of phraseology and idioms for which a substitute would have 
to be provided. Those accumulations represent in any case the 
expenditure of much energy ; in the case of the great languages of 
civilisation vast expenditure, much of the product would necessarily 
have to be thrown away in the event of unification, but it would be 
wasteful to abandon what could be preserved. 

Like most human institutions, language has been the subject of 
numerous prejudices and superstitions ; but few of these are now 
deserving of either notice or refutation. The excellence of language 
is that it should be clear and not mean ; in these words Aristotle (as 
usual) summed up all that can be said on the subject. Suppose that 
Arabic and English were spoken by the same number of individuals, 
the scale would be turned in favour of English by the considerations 
that it inserts its vowels, employs capitals, and can use italics ; a page 
of English is therefore vastly clearer than a page of Arabic. Between 
the great languages of Western civilisation English, French, and 
German it would not be possible to decide by these tests ; none of 
them leaves anything to be desired in either clearness or sublimity. 
The only principle capable of application would be that which has 
been suggested let that language be universally adopted the 
adoption of which could be effected with the greatest economy. 


We have already seen that the study of literary monuments is a 
wholly different matter from the acquisition of a language for 
practical use. With us the Latin and Greek languages form parts 
of a liberal education ; the one because the basis of European 
civilisation is Latin, the other because the mightiest monuments of 
human thought are Greek. Few, however, of those who study these 
languages in their youth ever have, occasion to use them for com- 
munication. They are taught and cultivated because man does not 
live by bread alone. There is no reason why any living national 
language should not survive in its nation in the same way as Latin, 
or in the world in the same way as Greek. Some theoretic 
knowledge of it will always be desirable in order that later 
generations may learn whence they came ; and if it have produced 
monuments worthy of immortality, they will be immortal. But the 
desirability of preserving languages for these purposes, or for the 
purposes of those who investigate forms and roots, does not affect 
the question whether it is desirable that the world should continue or 
should cease to be a Babel. Reverence and affection, qualities which 
go to make up patriotism, may always be displayed in preserving 
and adorning ; they need not be displayed in employing. Economy 
and efficiency should govern the selection of instruments for employ- 
ment ; and they point to the ultimate adoption of one of the three 
great languages of Western civilisation as the language of mankind. 
Such an arrangement need interfere with no national glories, no 
religious isolation, though the tendency of the immediate future is for 
religions, like seas, to join the regions they divide. Its effect would 
be only the beneficent one facilitation of intercourse and economy 
of energy. 

The unification of language within great areas has probably been 
more often brought about by voluntary obedience to these principles 
than by actual compulsion. Preparation for the ultimate object must 
necessarily be slow ; the world must be made bilingual before it can 
be made unilingual ; greater uniformity must be obtained in the 
matter of the second language, which is destined ultimately to super- 
sede the first except in one linguistic area. The waste of energy 
arising from want of uniformity in this matter is notorious ; thus the 
Encyclopaedia of Islam has to be issued in three languages, when two 
should be ample, and one sufficient. But when once man has become 
more generally bilingual, when there is a recognised language for 
international and cosmopolitan communication of all kinds, the way 
towards unification of language will at least have been indicated. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 
y.J'.ni >dl "it.) < ti, ':*;_,;'. 1 n-j-i'Jiiil) udj r/p/to i.;:^; -;ij'.. >) i.- i.-uusyjS 




By T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Ph.D., LL.D., D.Sc., 
Professor of Comparative Religion in the University of Manchester ; 

and Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS, 

Hon. Special Lecturer on Indian Philosophy in the University of 
iKnoilnn j ,,,. , 

.rib&J r, v,fiv/ 3frt*H ii in vcnua Jon ptuotfe ^v 

THE more one thinks about this subject the more complicated 
and difficult it appears to be. To treat it adequately it would be 
necessary to take all cases in the history of the world of one race 
brought into contact with another, and to consider, in each case, 
the part played by religion in the resulting effect. A comparison 
of the different results in the different cases would then open up 
the way to certain qualified conclusions which would not fail to 
be both interesting and instructive. This is precisely one of the 
problems to which the young science of Comparative Religion 
hopes eventually to be able to give attention. It is also one of 
the numerous social and religious problems to which the scientific 
method has not yet been applied. The facts have not yet been 
collected. We have vague generalisations drawn from single 
instances. We have suggestive studies on one or two of the best 
known cases. But no attempt has yet been made to deal with 
the question as a whole. 

A single case, though useless as the basis of any general con- 
clusion, may be useful to illustrate some of the difficulties involved, 
some of the points that will have to be determined before any 
such general conclusion can be formulated. 

When a horde of splendid barbarians who had accepted 
Mohamet's doctrine of death to the infidels, burst upon the 
civilised states of Asia, they were no doubt inspired, in the fury 
of their onslaught, by what they would have called their religion. 
To each state in turn they offered the terrible alternative of con- 
version, tribute, or the sword. The amazingly swift and successful 
spread of Mohammedanism, from the time it started on its career 
as a militant missionary movement, engulfing in three or four 
centuries the half of three continents, is a matter of modern history. 
It seems to vindicate religion as, at the same time, a social con- 
solidator and social disintegrator without parallel. What other 
motive, unless it were the driving consensus of hunger, could have 
availed so to stir and urge the different sections of the Semitic 
race hither and thither under the common banner of one Prophet, 


athirst to fling the world on its knees before the throne of the 
one God? From this present-time perspective, the movement 
reads like a frenzy for human consolidation, working by way of 
an equally frenzied disintegrating machinery. When we contem- 
plate the loyalty, among many millions, of one man to another as 
servants of the Prophet, in the wake of that mighty wave of war, 
it is the consolidating power of religion that impresses us. When 
we consider the outrageous barbarity of the mind that says : 
" Because X has told me what to believe, I am going to kill you, 
unless you say X was right," we are overwhelmed with the baneful 
cleavage wrecking the progress in human concord and wrought in 
the name of religion. 

Nor can it be generally claimed for militant propagandists, 
whether of Islam, or of the Christian Church, warring against 
heretics, that their dominant motive was altruistic or ethical. Per- 
sonal salvation for the individual rather than the good of the 
attacked, is put forward as the one thing needful and the exceeding 
great reward. Founders and reformers in all religions reveal the 
great heart that yearns to gather the human brood together in 
love and concord. But the fierce missioner more often appeals to 
individual interest. And this makes men act in concert rather along 
the parallel lines of individualism than along the converging lines of 
solidarity and mutual service. The questions : " What shall I do 
to be saved ? " and " What shall I do to be of service ? " may both 
be accounted as religious, but only the latter makes essentially 
and entirely for solidarity. The former question has at times 
found its solution in a life of solitude and withdrawal from sharing 
in the common lot. 

In both of these extreme types, therefore, the propagandist 
with sword in hand, and the apparently misanthropical recluse 
we seem to see religion manifesting itself as a disintegrator among 
the factors that tend to bring mankind into closer mutual 

But is it after all accurate, in connection with Jehads and Crusades 
and persecutions and inquisitions, to call the motive and spring 
of these, religion? Is not religion possibly a pretext employed 
to veil the real motives? Consider the elements engaged in any 
so-called religious war on either side. Never has any one of them 
approached the spiritual plane of the one host or the other in 
the Holy War dreamt of by our John Bunyan the celestial 
armies of the Lord of hosts, and the battalions of evil spirits bent 
on the spiritual ruin of mankind and the reconquest of heaven. 
It needs a child's simple faith to people the camps of Crusaders 
or Covenanters with hearts burning with the white purity and 


single-mindedness of a Joan of Arc. It is as impossible to imagine 
the first Christians going forth sword in hand to slay unbelievers 
as it is to picture a Buddhist, first or last, taking up arms against 
his fellow-creatures. " Put up again thy sword into the sheath," 
said Jesus to his first Crusader. " If My kingdom were of this 
world, then would My servants fight." Nor can the militant 
Christian justly infer from the words : " I came not to send peace 
but a sword," that it was a Christian's duty to be he who should 
draw the sword. Unmodified, unqualified for early Christians, as for 
all Buddhists, is St. James's answer to his own question : " Whence 
come wars and fightings among you ? Come they not hence, even 
of your lusts that war in your members ? Ye lust and have not ; 
ye kill and desire to have. Ye fight and war . . . because ye ask 
not. Ye ask and receive not, because ye ask amiss, that ye may 
consume upon your lusts." 

" That worldly motives," writes Mr. Haines in his Islam as a 
Missionary Religion, "played a large part in the conversion, not 
only of the Arabs but of the other nations that were conquered 
and converted by the Saracens, cannot be denied, and the Arab 
apologist dwells at some length upon the fact." When the Arabs 
of the harvestless desert tasted the delicacies of civilisation and 
revelled in the luxurious palaces of Chosroes, "By Allah," said 
they in their wonder and delight, "even if we cared not to fight 
for the cause of God, yet we could not but wish to contend for 
and enjoy these, leaving distress and hunger henceforth to others." 
Desire for gain, from the bare need of necessaries that parted 
the Abrams from the Lots in so many folk-migrations up to the 
quest of treasure that drove the Spaniards over the seas and 
against the Aztecs, with the cry (O irony of history!) of Sant' lago 
St. James, their own denouncer on their tongues, has waved on 
its hosts with the banner of religious zeal. 

Race-aversion and race-pride is another cause of cleavage 
between man and man that finds in religious zeal and orthodox 
aggression a convenient outlet. Surviving as a fossil even in 
Buddhism, the very gospel of mutual toleration and amity, where 
the term "Ariya" has come to mean, not race-complacency but 
ethical excellence, hate of the alien as alien and not only as 
infidel, appears too obviously in religious wars to need exemplifying. 
And the enmity may become intensified when the alien is the 
embodiment of successful rivalry, or of radically different social 
institutions. When the Christian, sheathing the sword, prays for 
all Jews, Turks, infidels and heretics, he confesses those as most 
needing escape from damnation who are not only aliens, but 
who are or were the embodiments of success in business on the 


one hand and, on the other, of aggressive restlessness and Asiatic 
institutions. The Spaniard might live side by side with the 
Moslem ; the Frank and the Teuton could not. And further, where 
there has been aggression in the name of religion within national 
borders, the anger of orthodoxy may always be traced at least 
in part to motives due to enmity of a political, social, and 
economic nature. 

The terse and trenchant summary of St. James, which we quote, 
has so thrust us on to two of the three great roots of man's miseries 
preached by Buddhism, greed and enmity, that we find ourselves in 
face of the remaining root or cause, and do not hesitate to bring it 
forward. If with Buddhist doctrine we class the yearning for rebirth 
in heaven under the general motive of greed or desire of gain, and 
if we then eliminate from all aggressive and inquisitorial measures, 
carried out under the sanction of religion, the greed and the enmity 
therein finding expression, we shall not greatly err in attributing 
the residual impulse to moha or unintelligence. It was over a 
Jerusalem that, with unintelligent, uncomprehending orthodoxy, 
persecuted the messengers of a new and purer word that Jesus 
wept. "If thou hadst known," hadst understood, hadst discerned, 
" the things that belong to thy peace ! But now they are hid from 
thine eyes." That rulers and statesmen may discern in the rallying 
and concentrating attending a war the best occasion for effecting 
political unity is conceivable. But it is impossible to conceive any 
mind that has really grasped the spirit of an ethical religion, of a 
creed confessing a benevolent deity, to loose the dogs of war upon 
his fellow-men, or to coerce belief by prison or the stake. The 
stupidity behind " man's inhumanity to man " is perhaps the most 
tragic thing about it. 

Once more : we have alluded to the apparently disintegrating 
effect of religion in the case of the recluse, driving him into an anti- 
social career of solitary living. But neither is the mind of mon- 
achistic temperament so simple as to act solely by one motive, 
religious or other. We must first eliminate all the Christian Jeromes 
and the Buddhist Makakassapas, who adopt a retreat at intervals 
as a spiritual rest cure in the intervals of missionary labours, or 
again as an opportunity for intellectual production. These are only 
cases of men separating from their fellows, the better to work for 
universal amity. Nor must we confuse monachism with monasticism. 
Within cloistered precincts, the wider intercourse of the world is 
usually renounced in favour of the closer sodality of co-religionists. 
There remains the thorough-paced lifelong recluse. And here 
again, while not denying him religious ardour, we discern other 
motives beneath the religious pretext, or, at best, side by side with 



the religious motive. Men and women who are happiest in wild 
nature, who stifle in cities or in tamed confines of any sort, may be 
atavistic or morbidly shy, or otherwise abnormal. 1 But they are 
real types. And that injunction of all genuine religion which bids 
us foster the habit, with Plotinus as with the Buddhists, of "going 
alone to the Alone," affords such of them as are not frankly irre- 
ligious, a sanction for their natural bent. 

If, on the other hand, we examine movements of social groups 
towards unity and concord made in the name of religion, we shall 
find it equally difficult to affirm that the driving power is genuinely 
religious. The human love of novelty and change may receive 
gladly the inoculation of religious ideas from without, and fraternise 
with its adherents over the border. The latter would dream they 
were advancing human fraternity by good missionary work. The 
conservative interests at home judge that the recipients are gone a- 
whoring after strange gods. Again, human gregariousness may fill 
church and chapel more effectively than any need to worship or to 
be edified. Political unrest in the different race factors of an 
empire may cause re-distribution in religious profession, as we see 
in Austria. And religious " tests " calling for certificates or pro- 
fessions of faith before the means of livelihood are granted, may 
produce an appearance of religious unity that is anything but 

To conclude this scanty glimpse at a great theme : Whether 
religion be a disintegrating or a consolidating force is no question 
that may be answered by a bare " Yea " or " Nay." Deeply as the 
religious instinct lies and stirs in the heart of man, it cannot find 
expression apart from his other instincts, however much it may and 
does serve as a cloak for them. And, accordingly, as these instincts 
make for social disintegration or solidarity, so will be the religious 
activity that is pressed into their service. 

As the handmaid of theology, as the sanction of this or that social 
institution, as crystallised and formulated into a creed, or a sect 
within a creed, religion may become racialised. Thus narrowed, it 
will rather intensify the lines of cleavage between folk and folk, than 
bring them into closer intercourse. 

But as an instinct, deep-rooted in the heart, religion transcends 
the barriers of race, in offering the bond of a common aspiration 
between individuals. And as the day of dogmas wears on to its long 
twilight, and the true inwardness of religion becomes acknowledged, 
we may come to invert the relation between religion, as pretext, and 
other motives calling themselves by its name. More and more shall 

1 G. Havelock Ellis, Contemporary Review, February, 1909, and C. Rhys Davids, 
The Quest, April, 1910. 


we take other motives as pretext and expression, for the religious 
instinct, which is our being's noblest " creative impulse." * We shall 
come to suffer the radioactivity of each man's religion to work in the 
heart as a divine spring of action, and to take, as its pretexts all our 
aspirations for the general increase of health and knowledge of beauty 
and happiness. 

3v, But still will this inner spiritual fount ever make both for division 
and for consolidation. Men and women will, in obedience to it, meet 
ever more and more, as here and now, in amity and ordered effort 
after mutual understandings and progress in fraternity. Yet no less 
will the inward monitor bid this man or that woman cultivate selec- 
tion and solitude ; ever will it lead them now to come away and now 
to approach, as befits the true aristocrat of the Spirit ; ever will it 
urge them now and again to flee alone to the Alone, to feed and 
recreate the vital spark of divine flame before the altar of the Ideal. 

[Paper submitted in English.'] 


By Professor GIUSEPPE SERGI, Rome. 

(a) Differences and Resistance. No one who has any knowledge of 
the social life of peoples, nations, and primitive tribes is ignorant 
of the existence among them of different customs and diverse forms 
of morals ; it suffices to observe how individuals behave when acting 
collectively and how these groups behave when all act together, in 
order to see how very different are marriage and funeral rites, 
festivals and combats, religious services, respect for human life and 
property and the laws relating thereto, among the various groups of 
the human race. If we observe their moral codes and religions m 
their outward manifestations, we find a great difference and a 
profound separation between the larger no less than between the 
smaller groups of the human race. 

A lengthy exposition of the facts is certainly not necessary to 
demonstrate such differences, falling as they do under general 
observation and being easily noticed in the relations which people 
maintain, or endeavour to maintain, with each other. 

In Europe, except perhaps in the eastern part, great and small 
nations have now the tendency to approach each other in customs 
and manners. Facts and inventions which are employed in daily 
1 We refer to Bergson's term, elan vital et createur. 


life are easily communicated, imitated, introduced more or less 
rapidly into common usage, and are accepted without difficulty or 
resistance, often even with great satisfaction. In spite of this 
tendency, which is an effect of centuries of communication between 
European peoples, there exist, nevertheless, many different habits in 
modes of living, in the interpretation of morality, and in the religious 
character, although the dominant religion is Christianity. Hence we 
find differences, sometimes profound, in religious worship, in the 
character of religious rites, and in the conception of certain Christian 
principles, which form the common basis of very different practices. 

But analogous differences, often differences of form and of 
outward appearance, are to be found in the different regions of one 
and the same nation. These differences are a record of the ancient 
separation and the characteristic survivals of each national fraction. 
It would be sufficient to give a mere list of the characteristic customs 
which persist unchanged and do not change in the historical nations 
of Europe ; in Italy, with its primitive division into regions ; in France ; 
in the British Isles ; and wherever facts are to be met with which have 
an intimate relation to moral conduct in its connection with outward 
religious forms. These facts reveal the great persistence of customs 
and their survival through all the vicissitudes of political changes. 

The people who are furthest removed from certain customs that 
are universal at the present day in Europe are the inhabitants of 
Russia. Although the ideas and manners of Western Europe have 
penetrated into Russia and have been accepted and imitated by 
certain classes of society, among the enormous mass of the people 
nothing is changed. Hence it seems a living world entirely apart 
and self-sufficient, ignorant of what occurs outside its boundaries. 

But the differences in customs and morals as well as in the 
prevailing religious sentiments are much more profound in Asia, 
where up to the present there has been immobility and little or no 
foreign penetration. Thibet is the most characteristic example of 
this, since having been completely closed to Europeans, it has come 
under no influence but that of the Chinese, and has accepted the 
religion of Buddha, of Indian origin. Political and social life, with 
its wholly theocratic character, is cut off from all communication 
with the world beyond and is inspired by a xenophobia, by which 
alone it can continue to preserve its characteristic forms. This 
people, therefore, isolated and defended by special geographical 
conditions, has acquired a peculiar character which shows an extra- 
ordinary persistence in the preservation of its customs. 

China, an enormous agglomerate of peoples which have been 
distinct for many centuries, has succeeded in uniting these by 
internal evolution and by preventing all foreign penetration. It has 


created a profound and characteristic civilisation, a great civilisa- 
tion, existing for thousands of years, with forms peculiar to itself in 
language, in writing, in politics and in government, in religion 
(which is the cult of the dead), and in morals both philosophical (the 
work of a Sage) and popular. It has lived in its grandeur and 
isolation, cultivating a narrow xenophobia in order to retain its 
customs and to preserve its own civilisation, morals, and religion. 
Yet in spite of its isolation from the foreign element, the religion of 
Buddha and the Koran penetrated into China; but nothing further 
succeeded in penetrating until a short time ago. 

However, we must not believe that the various peoples, who form 
this national unity in China, have lost their peculiar customs and 
their primitive ways ; just as in all other peoples where new forms of 
morals and religions have penetrated and have imposed themselves, 
the ancient forms remain as survivals, persistent and resisting every 
change, as the new unites and mingles with the old ; so it is easy in 
China to detect, together with Buddhism and Confucianism, the 
belief in spirits and other customs derived from the primitive ages 
of the various peoples. 

Nor are conditions different in Japan, for the recent development 
of this great nation, if in part due to its Europeanisation in political 
and military matters, has not in the slightest degree destroyed its 
national customs, which are so very different from those of Europe. 
The people have remained steadfast and persistent in the ancient 
customs and ways which are peculiar to their country. 

But the persistence and resistance to change are seen most clearly 
in morals and religion, which are usually closely related in a people. 
It is in this field that those who believe they are improving morals 
with the introduction of Christianity are accustomed to exercise their 
reforming influence. And they meet a resistance not only to rapid 
change, but even to slow and peaceable propaganda. This fact may 
be confirmed by examples taken from the patient work of religious 
missions in the midst of primitive peoples and civilised and semi- 
civilised nations. I may instance China and Japan, which resisted 
the introduction of Christianity for a long time, and still resist it 
vigorously. The fruits of the laborious propaganda are very rare, 
often entirely absent, and the work is barren of results. It is useless 
to deny this, when we know that the number of converts is extremely 
small in proportion to the population. 

This resistance exists not only among peoples who are averse to 
new dogmas and new forms of morality, but also among those who 
direct the affairs of state, whether from sheer resistance or from a 
fear that other new changes may follow in the life of the state. To 
this we may trace xenophobia. 


Moreover, the results of the conversions are ambiguous, because 
we do not know if the change in the converts be really genuine and 
complete, or merely superficial. Nor is the success deeper or more 
sincere among primitive tribes. We know only that resistance to 
the acceptance of new morals and a new religion is so strong as often 
to lead tojbloodshed and revolt. History is full of such accounts. 

(b) Psychology of Resistance. In order to understand how this 
resistance to changes in customs and morals originated, I think it 
will be well to indicate briefly the psychological and social factors 
which determine this phenomenon. 

The individual psychical state is of two forms : static^ if we regard 
them as persisting, ideas, or cognitions, acquired and accumulated ; 
dynamic, if we refer to their active mobility. These two forms are 
not separable, except by analysis ; they are closely connected in the 
sense that they may succeed each other, as in the passage from repose 
to motion and vice versa. 

The cognitions acquired, which form the patrimony of the 
intelligence, remain in the static position, as unalterable forms of 
thought. They pass on to the dynamic state, when they are 
renewed, or incorporated in reasoning or in actions which serve for 
the conduct of life or for some other purpose. In this case an 
impulse is needed to determine the dynamic motion ; and this impulse 
is sentiment in its various forms, so that this constitutes the dynamic 
motion, the driving force, as it were, towards an action. 

This phenomenon is purely internal, individual and psycho- 
logical, but it depends on other internal and outward factors, which 
act as forces of impulse or stimulation and as elements which 
promote the psychical life in the social state. Man does not live 
an individual life only, but also and principally a social one. An 
intimate reciprocal relation exists between man and society, and 
hence a current of action and reaction is formed which conduces 
to the inseparable union of the individual with his fellow-beings 
taken collectively. The inner psychological conditions of each 
individual are interwoven with the external social conditions and 
the former cannot subsist without the latter : the individual is, as 
it were, a member of the social body. 

Further, every individual depends physically and psychologically 
on conditions that preceded his actual existence, namely, his 
ancestors and his family, from whom he receives by heredity and 
by communication peculiarities in his psychological as well as 
in his material life. These are factors which often escape observa- 
tion and are neglected ; but they are of great importance in the 
psychological condition of every one. 

Here I must briefly enumerate such factors as enter into the 


formation of the individual psychological state of man by their 
collective action. These are: 

Hereditary characteristics, physical and psychological, which 
appear as instincts. 

Suggestion in all its forms, proceeding from family and social 

Imitation, or the tendency to imitate unconsciously deeds and 
actions of the social community. 

Educability and tendency to be moved by human influence. 

Gregarious tendency, or a tendency to follow the paths traced 
by others in social conduct and to obey. 

Sociability, a characteristic developed very early in man. 

Now all these factors serve to form a psychological organism 
in individuals, which becomes the basis of all human life in so 
far as it manifests itself, in action and in thought. Habits are 
formed which are not only active forms, manifested in acts of 
conduct, but also static forms, that is, forms of thought to which 
dynamic forms of action correspond, because there is a co-relation 
established with the dominant sentiments developed in various 
ways. This whole psychological organism assumes the name and 
has the character of an automatism, which implies the complete 
adaptation, already established, of thoughts or cognitions to senti- 
ments and impulses in thought and action. 

Automatism is useful in human life. When formed, it eliminates 
all effort in acts and movements with reference to conduct because 
it becomes the natural course and runs more smoothly than thought 
or action, and because it maintains the continuity of our action 
with surprising uniformity. What we may term psychical inertia 
then establishes itself. This is altogether similar to physical inertia, 
and consists in the persistence of one and the same psychological 
state until a superior force succeeds in changing it, establishing 
a new state different from the former. 

The very brief exposition I have given of the psychological 
organism in its formation and in its inner and social factors, of the 
final state which I have termed psychical inertia, gives us the 
explanation of the manner in which habits and customs are formed, 
and shows how moral conduct, connected with sentiments and acts 
of religious feeling, become one and the same with customs, and 
derive from them a power of resistance to changes. 

If resistance be great in individuals taken separately, it becomes 
much greater in a group taken collectively. The reason of this 
being that the psychological organism and psychical inertia are 
already formed, since in the social mass there is a multiplication 


of resistance ; and if we compare in psychical phenomena individual 
resistance to collective, we may say that the latter amounts to the 
square of the mass of which the human group is composed. 

(c) Practical Conclusions. What should be the attitude of one 
nation to another or towards other peoples with which it has 
relations, in regard to diversity of customs, morals, and religion ? 

The reply which presents itself immediately to us is, not to 
attempt any change and to respect the existing usages together with 
the sentiments which accompany them, because one runs the risk, 
from the resistance which is made to changing the manner of living, 
of disturbing good international relations, of inciting revolt, blood- 
shed, and war. 

But this very general reply allows of modifications according 
to the character of the relations existing between different peoples 
and nations and according to the conditions of intellectual develop- 
ment and civilisation of the populations we are dealing with. The 
relations may be solely commercial, and then there is no need 
surely for foreign nations to introduce new customs. They may 
be political, due to alliance, and in this case no more than in the 
first should one attempt to change the forms of social life and the 
sentiments of the allied nations, unless it were to render them more 
friendly and more sincere for mutual benefit. The possibility of 
change one must leave to time, to new needs, to utility, and also 
to imitation which is so ingrained in man. 

But if there be barbarous customs among these nations, of a 
deeply rooted character and repugnant to the sentiment of humanity, 
should one use influence to change them ? I believe so, but slowly, 
by example and persuasion which penetrate into the minds of the 
people and develop new sentiments and new habits. In doing this 
one should not insist in a direct manner ; nor under this pretext 
should one also change religious forms and sentiments also the 
most profound in the human soul and the most resisting ; nor under 
the pretext that one religion is more moral or more civilising than 
another. The history of the relations between different peoples 
shows clearly that this attempt has led to many revolutions, mani- 
festations of hatred towards foreigners, and, in extreme cases, 
even wars. 

Among savage tribes, such as are found in Africa and Oceania, 
no violence should be used in order to change their customs or to 
Christianise them. Introduce useful arts and crafts ; humane forms 
of living ; respect for human life by beginning to respect it, not 
as some Europeans do, who, thirsting for gain and gold, ill-treat 
the natives, respecting neither their lives, their property, nor their 
families, and yet claim the respect and obedience of these same tribes. 


Under a protectorate, respect for the customs of the populations 
should be the same as that which should exist between friendly 
nations, were it only in order not to provoke resentment, rebellions, 
and wars. If the protecting Power possess sentiments of humanity 
and act in a humane manner towards the people protected, new 
customs may be introduced by example only, by showing the 
immediate usefulness of such customs, but never by violence. 

Man should feel sympathy for every one inhabiting our planet, 
who, created like himself, is a living being with the same right 
to existence and to the preservation of life. 

Sympathy, the most extended and most general sentiment of 
human nature, produces in its action the most beneficent effects 
and wards off the dangers of a struggle which would often be 
both useless and cruel. Human sympathy demands respect for 
the sentiments and customs of every people, as being the expression 
of a social life and an organisation dating from time immemorial. 
[Paper submitted in English.] 


By CHARLES S. MYERS, M.A., M.D., Sc.D., 
Lecturer in Experimental Psychology in the University of Cambridge. 

I WISH to lay before the members of this Congress the four following 
propositions for their consideration : 

I. That the mental characters of the majority of the peasant 
class throughout Europe are essentially the same as those of 
primitive communities. 

II. That such differences between them as exist are the 
result of differences in environment and in individual varia- 

III. That the relation between the organism and its environ- 
ment (considered in its broadest sense) is the ultimate cause 
of variation, bodily and mental. 

IV. That this being admitted, the possibility of the pro- 
gressive development of all primitive peoples must be conceded, 
if only the environment can be appropriately changed. 

The first of these propositions I deliberately put forward as the 
outcome of a year's experience in the Torres Straits and Borneo, and 
a somewhat longer stay in Egypt and the Sudan. I had the good 
fortune to visit the Torres Straits and Borneo as a member of the 


Cambridge Anthropological Expedition under Dr. Haddon's leader- 
ship, and there I was principally occupied with Dr. Rivers and Mr. 
McDougall in investigating the mental characters of primitive 
peoples ; while in Egypt and in the Sudan I had abundant oppor- 
tunities for making similar but less systematic studies. 

The results of the Cambridge Expedition to the Torres Straits 
have shown that in acuteness of vision, hearing, smell, &c., these 
peoples are not noticeably different from our own. We conclude 
that the remarkable tales adduced to the contrary by various 
travellers are to be explained, not by the acuteness of sensation, 
but by the acuteness of interpretation of primitive peoples. Take 
the savage into the streets of a busy city, and see what a number of 
sights and sounds he will neglect because of their meaninglessness 
to him. Take the sailor whose powers of discerning a ship on the 
horizon appear to the landsman so extraordinary, and set him to 
detect micro-organisms in the field of a microscope. Is it then 
surprising that primitive man should be able to draw inferences, 
which to the stranger appear marvellous, from the merest specks in 
the far distance or from the faintest sounds, odours, or tracks in the 
jungle? Such behaviour serves only to attest the extraordinary 
powers of observation in primitive man with respect to things which 
are of use and hence of interest to him. The same powers are shown 
in the vast number of words he will coin to denote the same object, 
say a certain tree at different stages of its growth. 

We conclude, then, that no fundamental difference in powers of 
sensory acuity, nor, indeed, in sensory discrimination, exists between 
primitive and civilised communities. Further, there is no proof of 
any difference in memory between them, save, perhaps, in a greater 
tendency for primitive folk to use and to excel in mere mechanical 
learning, in preference to rational learning. But this surely is also 
the characteristic of the European peasant. He will never commit 
things to memory by thinking of their meaning, if he can learn them 
by rote. 

In temperament we meet with just the same variations in primitive 
as in civilised communities. In every primitive society is to be found 
the flighty, the staid, the energetic, the indolent, the cheerful, the 
morose, the even-, the hot-tempered, the unthinking, the philo- 
sophical individual. At the same time, the average differences 
between different primitive peoples are as striking as those, say, 
between the average German and the average Italian. 

It is a common but manifest error to suppose that primitive man 
is distinguished from the civilised peasant in that he is freer and that 
his conduct is less under control. On the contrary, the savage is 
probably far more hide-bound than we are by social regulations. 


His life is one round of adherence to the demands of custom. For 
instance, he may be compelled even to hand over his own children 
at their birth to others ; he may be prohibited from speaking to 
certain of his relatives ; his choice of a wife may be very strictly 
limited by traditional laws ; at every turn there are ceremonies to 
be performed and presents to be made by him so that misfortune 
may be safely averted. As to the control which primitive folk 
exercise over their conduct, this varies enormously among different 
peoples ; but if desired, I could bring many instances of self-control 
before you which would put to shame the members even of our most 
civilised communities. 

Now since in all these various mental characters no appreciable 
difference exists between primitive and advanced communities, the 
question arises, what is the most important difference between them ? 
I shall be told in the capacity for logical and abstract thought. 
But by how much logical and abstract thought is the European 
peasant superior to his primitive brother ? Study our country 
folklore, study the actual practices in regard to healing and 
religion which prevail in every European peasant community 
to-day, and what essential differences are discoverable ? Of course, 
it will be urged that these practices are continued unthinkingly, that 
they are merely vestiges of a period when once they were believed 
and were full of meaning. But this, I am convinced, is far from 
being generally true, and it also certainly applies to many of the 
ceremonies and customs of primitive peoples. 

It will be said that although the European peasant may not in 
the main think more logically and abstractly, he has, nevertheless, 
the potentiality for such thought, should only the conditions for its 
manifestations education and the like ever be given. From such 
as he have been produced the geniuses of Europe the long line of 
artists and inventors who have risen from the lowest ranks. 

I will consider this objection later. At present it is sufficient for 
my purpose to have secured the admission that the peasants of 
Europe do not as a whole use their mental powers in a much more 
logical or abstract manner than do primitive people. I maintain 
that such superiority as they have is due to differences (i) of envi- 
ronment, and (2) of variability. 

We must remember that the European peasant grows up in a 
(more or less) civilised environment ; he learns a (more or less) well- 
developed and written language, which serves as an easier instrument 
and a stronger inducement for abstract thought ; he is born into a 
(more or less) advanced religion. All these advantages and the 
advantages of a more complex education the European peasant 
owes to his superiors in ability and civilisation. Rob the peasant 


of these opportunities, plunge him into the social environment of 
present primitive man, and what difference in thinking power will be 
left between them ? 

The answer to this question brings me to the second point of 
difference which I have mentioned difference in variability. I have 
already alluded to the divergencies in temperament to be found 
among the members of every primitive community. But well 
marked as are these and other individual differences, I suspect 
that they are less prominent among primitive than among more 
advanced peoples. This difference in variability, if really existent, 
is probably the outcome of more frequent racial admixture and 
more complex social environment in civilised communities. In 
another sense, the variability of the savage is indicated by the 
comparative data afforded by certain psychological investigations. 
A civilised community may not differ much from a primitive one 
in the mean or average of a given character, but the extreme 
deviations which it shows from that mean will be more numerous 
and more pronounced. This kind of variability has probably another 
source. The members of a primitive community behave towards 
the applied test in the simplest manner, by the use of a mental 
process which we will call A, whereas those of a more advanced 
civilisation employ other mental processes, in addition to A, say B, 
C, D or E, each individual using them in differing degrees for the 
performance of one and the same test. Finally there is in all 
likelihood a third kind of variability, whose origin is ultimately 
environmental, which is manifested by extremes of nervous instability. 
Probably the exceptionally defective and the exceptional genius are 
more common among civilised than among primitive peoples. 

Similar features undoubtedly meet us in the study of sexual 
differences. The average results of various tests of mental ability 
applied to men and women are not, on the whole, very different 
for the two sexes, but the men always show considerably greater 
individual variation than the women. And here, at all events, the 
relation between the frequency of mental deficiency and genius in 
the two sexes is unquestionable. Our asylums contain a considerably 
greater number of males than of females, as a compensation for 
which, genius is decidedly less frequent in females than in males. 

This brings me to the difficult problem of the effect of environ- 
ment. For it will be urged that these and other sexual mental 
differences are mainly the result of past ages of different environ- 
ment. I shall be asked to consider the undoubted increase in stature 
among women, which has followed from their modern training in 
athletics. Stature is admittedly one of the most easily modified 
physical characters, but may it not be that the present sexual mental 


differences would similarly dwindle and perhaps finally disappear 
with a gradual equalisation of the environment to which man and 
woman are exposed ? 

This is, indeed, a hard question to decide. Who knows the 
degree of mental power to which any community might attain if 
only the environment could be appropriately modified ? Who could 
have foreseen the powers of discrimination which practice develops 
in the wine-expert or the tea-taster? With what surprise do we 
learn that the children of Murray Island, taught at the present day 
by a Scotsman, are judged by him to be superior in arithmetical 
ability to those of an average British school, despite the fact that 
their parents' language contained words for one and two only, and 
expressed three by one-two, and four by two-two ! Who knows what 
mental powers may be dormant even in primitive communities, 
ready to burst into full flower as soon as the environment becomes 
appropriate ? 

Against this point of view must be set another. For aught we 
know to the contrary, the essential functions of womanhood may be 
the determinants not only of their special sexual physical features 
but also of a greater uniformity of mental character. So, too, the 
particular environment in which the colour and physique of the 
negro have been evolved may have induced a still more uniform 
mediocrity of mental ability. Or there may be some direct but 
obscure correlation between rareness or absence of genius and 
insanity, on the one hand, and the feminine or negro physical form, 
on the other. Certainly there is not an instance of first-class musical 
genius, by which, of course, I mean originality in musical composition, 
among European women, despite centuries of opportunity. And so, 
too, there is not an instance of first-class genius in a pure-blooded 
American negro, despite the numbers of them who receive a uni- 
versity training in the United States. It is true that their adopted 
environment social status and climate, in particular have to be 
taken into account. We well know the type of individual which 
contempt and persecution produce ; but these influences are surely 
limited to the moral, and hardly affect the intellectual, development 
of the individual. We have also to bear in mind the paucity of 
genius among the white population of the really southern States. 

All recent work goes to show that the influence of environment 
on biological characters is far more potent and direct than has 
hitherto been supposed. In organic growth and development a state 
of equilibrium has to be maintained, and if the internal or external 
conditions affecting the organism are changed, its unit-characters 
must alter, either by analytic or synthetic change. If they do not 
alter, or if the alteration is not a suitable one, the organism is no 


longer adapted to the environment, and sooner or later (it may be 
immediately or in the first, second, or third generation) must perish. 

Whether or not the variations thus produced are dependent on 
such deeply ingrained internal conditions that they are inherited 
despite subsequent further changes in outward environment is for our 
present purpose of little concern. It is sufficient to have secured the 
admission that variations only occur when there is a disturbance in 
the usual course of equilibrium between the growing organism and 
the internal and external conditions to which it is exposed. The 
sum total of the internal and external conditions is the environment. 
Through such disturbances the different races of mankind have been 
evolved. By fresh appropriate disturbances they are being modified 
to-day, and will be modified in the future. When the conditions are 
too sudden, the race dies out. I have no intention here of discussing 
to what extent, if at all, the modifications in external conditions are 
immediately or ultimately inherited. This, it appears to me, does not 
affect the truth of my fourth proposition, that if only the environ- 
ment can be gradually changed, perhaps with sufficient slowness and 
certainly in the appropriate direction, both the mental and the 
physical characters of the lowest races may ultimately attain those 
of the highest, and vice versd. If we assume, as I think we must 
assume, that the white and negro races owe their respective characters 
ultimately to their environment, there is no a priori reason, it seems 
to me, for denying the possibility of a reversal of their differences, if 
the environment to which they are respectively exposed be gradually, 
in the course of many hundreds of thousands of years, reversed. 

Since writing this paper, I have read the very interesting and important 
work entitled Les fonctions mentales dans les soctith inferieures, which has 
recently been written by Professor Levy-Bruhl. In this book he takes up an 
attitude that differs in some respects diametrically from mine. He shows how 
often and widely anthropologists have erred by endeavouring to explain the 
mentality of primitive peoples in terms of our own advanced mentality. With 
this I am in complete agreement. Primitive man does not regard the world 
just as we, educated members of a highly complex civilisation, come to regard 
it. But when Professor Levy-Bruhl goes on to affirm that there are important 
differences between the least cultured members (the peasant class) of European 
communities on the one hand, and primitive peoples on the other, there I part 
company with him. I am inclined to admit the "mystic" and " pre-logical " 
tendencies which he ascribes to primitive mentality, although I think that he has 
grossly exaggerated their importance at the present day, and has not sufficiently 
distinguished the very different stages of mental development to which various 
primitive peoples have now attained. I recognise fully the force of what he 
calls "collective representations" the outcome of social tradition and organi- 
sation. Indeed I am disposed to attribute rather to the force of social tradition 
than to a pre-logical condition of the primitive mind the illogical and mutually 
contradictory beliefs which arc held by the savage at the present day. , There is 
not a savage who cannot talk logically about matters of everyday life. He can 
reason as we do. He will not, where the force of social tradition is so strong, 


where the contradictory beliefs which he holds are so unquestionable that they 
can never be allowed to appear incompatible. I am willing to admit the 
possibility that primitive peoples may be found whose mental peculiarities are as 
extreme as those which he insists on. But such cases, if they occur, are excep- 
tional, and we have throughout to bear in mind the danger of deducing the 
mental attitude of a people from the customs, ceremonies, and general behaviour 
described to us by travellers and missionaries. Into what error would a people 
far more cultured than we are fall, if they deduced our own mentality from the 
social and religious institutions which they observed among us, or from the 
statements made by one or two selected individuals in our midst ! 

My remarks refer to the peasants of Europe taken as a whole, and to the 
inhabitants of primitive countries taken as a whole, and contrary to Professor 
Levy-Bruhl I insist that there is no essential mental difference between them. 
We have in each the same native disinclination for logical thinking, especially 
where the forces of tradition or, in the terminology of the French Anthropo- 
logical School, collective representations are antagonistic to it. In each we 
see the same readiness to accept statements which are utterly contradictory, the 
same faint line of demarcation between the natural and the supernatural. 
Professor Levy-Bruhl alludes (p. 448) to the " frightful rubbish " contained in 
the innumerable encyclopedias of the Chinese on astronomy, physics, chemistry, 
physiology, &c. How is it, he asks, that so many centuries of application and 
ingenuity have resulted in nothing ? He answers, chiefly because each of these 
so-called sciences was faced at its beginning with certain crystallised ideas 
which no one ever dreamed of putting sincerely to the test of experiment. 
Quite so, but precisely the same " rubbish " is to be found in European scientific 
works, on alchemy and natural history, for example, during the Middle Ages. 
Until comparatively recently, the same "vague representations," the same 
"mystic pre-connexions," as M. Levy-Bruhl terms them, reigned even in the 
highest European culture as they still reign in the Chinese. 

Again, he says (p. 426) that " the mentality of primitive man does more than 
represent to itself its object : it possesses it or is possessed by it. It holds com- 
munion with it. ... It lives it. The ceremonies and rites lead in a great 
number of cases to the realisation of a grand symbiosis, e.g., between the 
totemic group and its totem." In his view (p. 427) this form of mental activity 
is, " radically different from what our own society affords us opportunity for 
studying." Here, again, is surely a manifest error. This symbiosis, the unity 
between man and God, this Communion what is it but the highest develop- 
ment of the mystical element in the most advanced religions ? 

Thus I find nothing in this highly interesting, in many ways psychologically 
valuable, work to induce me to change the propositions which I maintain and 
have introduced for your consideration to-day. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 


By JOHN GRAY, B.Sc., A.R.S.M., F.R.A.I., London. 

THE aim of this paper is to discuss the possibility of arriving at 
some numerical evaluation of the Intellectual Standing and Respec- 


tive Opportunities for culture of a population, and to apply the 
method to the leading Races and great Nations of mankind. 

Such evaluations, even though, at the first attempt, they may not 
have a very high degree of precision, are much to be preferred to the 
general impressions with which the essayists who have written on 
this subject have hitherto been content. The widely differing con- 
clusions of the authors of books on such questions as the relations 
of the coloured and white races illustrate the danger of relying on 
general impressions. 

There are several methods by which we may arrive at an estimate 
of the average intellectual standing of a population. Without 
attempting an exact definition of intelligence, it may be assumed 
that this mental character is possessed in the highest degree by the 
leaders of the people. If we could obtain statistics of the number of 
men per unit of the population who, in each country, had risen above 
a fixed standard of eminence in literature, science, politics, war, 
engineering, &c., we could from these data obtain very good numeri- 
cal values of the intellectual standing of the different peoples. But 
such statistics could be obtained for only a very few of the most 
advanced and highly organised nations. 

1 have found it most convenient to make use of educational 

Education, in the school and universities of a country, may be 
regarded as the means employed to develop to the highest practical 
limit the natural intellectual capacity of the people. 

The number of pupils and students per unit of the population 
may be regarded as an approximate measure of the Opportunities for 
Culture offered to the people. 

The number of university students per unit of the population is 
taken as a measure of the average Intellectual Standing of the people. 
The justification for this is that the majority of the leaders of a 
people come from its universities, and the average standard of intelli- 
gence required of the university student is much the same in all 
countries where universities exist. The few exceptions will be in- 
dicated in dealing with the values obtained. 

Having indicated methods of obtaining, from educational statistics, 
numerical values, of (i) the Intellectual Standing, and (2) the 
Opportunities for Culture, it now only remains to find a method of 
calculating the Natural Capacity. 

The Intellectual Standing of a people may be regarded as the 
product of two factors, namely, its opportunity for culture and its 
natural capacity to acquire culture. If there is no opportunity for 
culture there will be no culture, however high the natural capacity 
may be. As we have taken intelligence to be represented by the 


degree of culture acquired in the schools, it follows, and it is self- 
evident, that there would be no intelligence (in this case) in a country 
if there were no schools. On the other hand, how ever many free 
schools there might be in a country, there would be no intelligence of 
the kind acquired in schools if there were no natural capacity in the 
people to acquire it. The usual condition of things is that a certain 
percentage of the population has the capacity to acquire the highest 
intelligence the schools are capable of developing. We may assume 
therefore that the following formula is at least approximately true : 
Intellectual Standing = Opportunity for Culture multiplied by 
Natural Capacity, and it follows from this, that 

. ~ Intellectual Standing 

Natural Capacity = ,~ r. 7; r * .. & . 
Opportunity for Culture 

Intellectual Standing and Opportunity for Culture can be calcu- 
lated, as has been shown above, from educational statistics. Natural 
Capacity is equal to or proportional to the former divided by the 

This method of measuring natural capacity may be looked at 
from another point of view. 

A certain fraction of the crew of every battleship is trained to 
shoot. Let us suppose that in one ship 10 per cent, attain the 
highest standard of marksmanship, and in another 20 per cent. We 
may say that the natural capacity of marksmanship of the second 
crew is double that of the first, because the opportunities of all to 
become first-class marksmen are equal. Natural Capacity may 
therefore also be measured by the percentage of all persons receiving 
equal training, who attain the highest standard. This second defini- 
tion will be found to be equivalent to that given above, i.e., we may 
evaluate the Natural Capacity of a race for intellectual acquirement 
either by dividing the Intellectual Standing by the Opportunity for 
Culture, or by dividing the number of university students by the 
total number of pupils and students in all the schools of the 

It is necessary to add that the divisions of the scales of Intel- 
lectual Standing and Natural Capacity obtained in this way would 
probably not be equal. To reduce this scale to one of equal 
divisions we should have to assume some probable law of the distri- 
bution of the frequency of individual deviations from the average of 
each group. The most probable distribution is that known to statis- 
ticians as the normal curve. In the series which follow I have 
appended values corrected on this assumption. 

In the first series I have arranged the Nations and Races for 
which I have been able to obtain adequate statistics in the order of 
their Intellectual Standing calculated in the manner stated above, 




Column I. gives the number of university students per 100,000 of 
the population ; column II. gives corrected values, in a scale of equal 
divisions, showing how far the average of the whole population is 
below the university standard ; column III. gives the differences 
between each pair of adjacent values. 


i. United States ... 



2. Switzerland ... 



3. Scotland 



4. France 



5. Wales 'Z?'-*.^' 1 



6. British Isles ... 


3 -I 3 

7. Spain 



8. Austria ... 



9. Germany 



10. England 



n. Ireland 

73' i 


12. Norway 


3 -I 9 














3 <r 9 




Italy ... 






























Negroes, U.S.A. 


3'3 2 





33' ! 













3'S 1 








The total difference between the highest and the lowest in the 
above series is "94, the average difference between two adjacent 
nations being '04. By comparing this with the actual differences in 
column III. it will be readily seen where steps in the series are 
higher or lower than the average. 

It must not be forgotten that low intellectual standing may be 
due to the lack of opportunity, and if this opportunity is very bad it 
may even be associated with high Natural Capacity. 

It may be noted that the widest gaps in this series are between 
the United States and Switzerland, between Scotland and France, 
between Mexico and Portugal, and between Russia and India. 

At the same time it is interesting to note that nations that are 
closely associated physically, historically, and geographically come 
close together in the series. Thus we have Austria, Germany, 
England, Ireland, Norway, Finland, and Sweden immediately 
following each other in the series ; also Belgium and Holland come 


together, and Russia and India. Geographical contiguity usually 
implies a certain similarity in the opportunities for education and 
often also implies that the peoples are of the same physical type. 

We shall next give the order of the nations when the effect of 
difference of opportunity has been eliminated, namely, the order of 
Natural Capacity. 

In this series column I. gives the number of university students 
per 10,000 of all pupils and students in the country, column II. gives 
the corrected values on a scale of equal divisions, and column III. 
gives the differences between each pair of adjacent corrected values. 






United States ... 



I 3- 









British Isles 








Austria ... 


j*jw <{uriJ ,.ro 



80- 1 



India ... 








Ireland ... 
























Wales ... 






























2 '59 

2 4 . 

Negroes, U.S.A. 


I. II. III. 

47'3 2-59 

47-2 2'6o 

467 2 '60 

467 2 'DO 

46-5 2'6o 

42*2 2-63 

41-3 2-64 

38-2 2*67 

34'6 270 

327 2 7 2 

30-0 275 

24*6 2'8i 












The total difference between the highest and the lowest is -52 ; 
the average difference between two adjacent nations being '02. The 
greatest differences are between Finland and Scotland, and between 
Belgium and the coloured population of the U.S.A. 

The United States, as in the Intellectual Standing series, comes 
at the top of the list. This pre-eminent position must be somewhat 
reduced, if the average standing of the university student is lower in 
America than in European universities. There is some reason for 
supposing that this is the case. The same remark applies to Spain, 
in which the low average standard of university education is notorious. 
Switzerland probably occupies an unduly high position in the series 


owing to the presence of a considerable percentage of foreign students 
at her universities. This applies also to a certain extent to France, 
Germany, and Scotland. Again, it will be observed that nations 
having similar racial elements, such as Spain and Italy (of the 
Mediterranean race), Germany, Sweden, British Isles (all having a 
large Teutonic element), are close together. 

It is interesting to note that the difference between the average 
natural capacity of the negroes and that of the whites in the United 
States is twenty-three times as much as the average distance between 
two adjacent nations in series. The actual intellectual standing of the 
negro is, however, much higher, being twentieth in the first series as 
compared with twenty-fourth in the second series. This shows the 
benefit he has received from growing up in the educational environ- 
ment created by the white race among whom he lives. The fact that 
the intellectual standing of the negroes in America has benefited so 
much by the educational opportunities which have been created for 
them by the whites, and which, judging from what we know of them 
in their native Africa, they were incapable of creating for themselves, 
appears hardly to have been realised by M. Finot when he says of 
the negroes, " that in fifty years they have realised the progress which 
has necessitated for many white races, five or six centuries." * 


1. Wales 

2. United States 

3. Scotland 

4. Belgium 

5. Switzerland ... 

6. Negroes, U.S.A. 

7. British Isles ... 

8. Holland 

9. England 
10. Austria 
n. Norway 
12. Germany 




13. Ireland 



14. Hungary 


15. Sweden 



16. France 


17. Spain... 



18. Japan... 


19. Italy ... 



20. Finland 



21. Mexico 



22. Russia 


23. Portugal 



24. India ... 










22' I 


Column I. gives the total number of pupils and students per 
1,000 of the population in all the schools and universities of the 
country. Column II. gives (where known) the Literacy that is, the 
percentage of the population (excluding those below school age) 
who can read and write. 

The series showing the order of Opportunity is interesting as 
showing the great variation of this among the various nations in our 
list In Wales, United States, and Scotland more than ten times the 
1 Finot, " Le Prejuge des Races," p. 498. 


number of children per 1,000 of the population are at school than in 
India. As India stands fairly high in the list for Natural Capacity 
no one can doubt that by neglecting the education of India our 
authorities are allowing a vast amount of natural ability to run to 
waste which might be utilised to add to the wealth and strength of 
the empire. In Russia, owing partly to the vast and still imperfectly 
absorbed population of its Asiatic empire, the opportunity for educa- 
tion is excessively low. For Portugal, however, which is even lower 
than Russia, there is no corresponding excuse. 

A deficiency in Natural Capacity is often compensated by a 
highly efficient system of education, as may be readily seen by com- 
paring the three series given above. 

Many important Nations and Races have not been dealt with in 
this paper owing to the fact that no adequate statistics could be 
obtained. In the case of China, for example, education in the 
modern sense is only just being introduced. There are said to be 
20,000 Chinese at foreign schools and universities, and the distinc- 
tions obtained by these students would lead us to suspect that the 
Natural Capacity of the Chinese is very high and only requires an 
efficient educational system to enable the Chinese to take a very 
high place in the scale of the Intellectual Standing of the Races of 
mankind. Turkey is another country where the opportunity for 
education is at a very low ebb. A university was nominally founded 
at Constantinople in 1900, but it has never got beyond the paper 

The Negro in Africa has had little opportunity for education 
compared with those in America and in British possessions. For 
example, in the Gold Coast only 8 per 1,000 are at school ; in Lagos 
I per 1,000. In Sierra Leone things are apparently much better, as 
we find 103 per 1,000 at school. In Basutoland there are 38 per 
1,000 at school. The Negro in Africa does not appear to be able to 
rise beyond the standard of elementary education, several attempts 
to impart secondary education having failed. Great success has, 
however, been achieved with industrial education of the Negro both 
in Africa and in America. 

This essay being a first attempt to apply measurement to such 
important qualities of man and his environment as Intellectual 
Standing, Natural Capacity and Opportunity is necessarily somewhat 
crude, but I believe that it is only along these lines that social 
reformers are likely ever to arrive at any agreement as to the true 
relations subsisting between the various races of mankind, and till 
this is settled all attempts to place those relations on a satisfactory 
footing will be very much retarded. 

[Paper submitted in English."] 




By Sister NlVEDiTA (Miss MARGARET NOBLE), Calcutta, 

Author of " The Web of Indian Life." 
. -jl? bnfi fbbitr// * frfsrm ff*ni 

General Considerations.-^-^ would be useless to attempt any com- 
parative study of human institutions, apart from the ideals of 
which they are the expression. In every social evolution, whether 
of the modern American, the Hottentot, the Semitic, or the 
Mongolian, the dynamic element lies in the ideal behind it. For the 
student of sociology, the inability to discover this formative factor in 
any given result constitutes a supreme defect. To assume, as is so 
often done, that one people has moulded itself on a moral purpose, 
clearly perceived, while in the minds of others the place for such 
purpose is blank, and they are as they have happened to occur, is 
purely anarchic and pre-scientific. Yet some such conception is 
only too common amongst those writers to whom we are compelled 
to go for the data of racial sociology. This is an unfortunate 
consequence of the fact that, for the most part, we are only impelled 
to the international service of humanity by a strong accession of 
sectarian ardour. 

io\ Another error to be avoided in a comparative statement is that 
of endowing the more or less antithetic ideals and tendencies which 
we do disentangle with a false rigidity and distinctiveness. It is 
easy to argue backwards, from institutions to ideals, in such a way as 
to tabulate whole realms of poetry and aspiration inexorably closed 
to certain peoples. But ideals are the opportunity of all, the 
property of none ; and sanity of view seems to demand that we 
should never lose sight of the underlying unity and humanness of 
humanity. Thus nothing would appear at first sight more fixed, or 
more limiting, than the polyandry of Thibet. We might well assume, 
a priori, that to look for certain standards and perceptions amongst a 
populace so characterised were vain. That such a view would be 
untrue, however,' is shown at once by Sven Hedin in his recent 
work, Trans- Himalaya, where he tells of a Thibetan gentleman 
imploring him never to shoot the wild geese, for these birds are 
known to have human hearts. Like men, they mate but once; 
hence, in killing one, we may inflict on another a long life of 
perpetual sorrow. This one incident is sufficient to remind us of 
the high potentialities of the human spirit everywhere, however 
unpromising may be the results of a superficial glance. Again, we 
all know something of the marvels of constructive and self-organising 
power shown by modern Europe. When we look behind the 
symptom for the cause, we may feel impelled to the opinion that the 


master-fact in this regard is the influence of the genius of ancient 
Rome, acting first in the Empire, then in the Church, and lastly seen 
in the reaction of nationalities to-day. But of that fundamental 
Roman genius itself it is increasingly difficult to make any 
statement that does not almost immediately commend itself to us 
as equally applicable to China as the great leader of the Yellow 
Races. The actual difference between Europe and Asia, in spite 
of the analogy between Rome and the people of Han, may perhaps 
be found explicable on the basis of the differing place and materials 
on which these two instincts had to work. Perhaps the very 
foundation-stone of sociological truth lies in that unity of humanity 
which such considerations illustrate. 

And lastly, we have to remember the widely differing values of 
different classes of evidence. It is important always, if possible, to 
make a people speak for themselves. Identical material may be 
oppositely handled, as all will admit, by different persons ; but we 
cannot go far wrong in demanding that in all cases original evidence 
shall have a wide preference over the report of his personal 
observations and opinions made by a foreigner. It would also be 
well to stipulate for the same rights of scrutiny, over even original 
evidence, as would be exercised by competent persons in weighing 
testimony with regard, say, to physical experiments or a case in a 
court of law. Statements made, even by the natives of a given 
country, with the direct intention of witnessing or ministering to 
some partisan position will not, on the face of it, have the same 
value as if it can be shown that they were made with no idea of a 
particular question having arisen. For instance, we may refer to the 
matter of the position of the Chinese woman in marriage. We 
are assured by most modern writers of authority that this is most 
depressing. In theory, the wife is completely subordinated, while 
in fact the man always exploits to the full the opportunity thus 
given him. That marriage can be brutalised is doubtless as true in 
the case of China as in that of England. All that we have a right 
to ask is, whether it has also the opposite possibility, and in what 
degree and frequency. I assume that we are all familiar with the 
relation between the general development of a society and its 
impulse to recognise an individual poet and accord him fame. 
Bearing this relation in mind, we shall be able to measure the 
significance of a couple of little poems translated by Martin in his 
tiny posthumous work, La Femme en Chine. Of these, one may 
be given here. It is by the poet Lin-Tchi to his wife : 

" Nous vivons sous le meme toit, chere compagne de ma vie ; 
Nous serons ensevelis dans le meme tombeau, et nos cendres confondues 
Eterniseront notre union. 


Tu as bien voulu partager mon indigence, et m'aider par ton travail, 
Que ne dois-je pas faire pour illustrer nos noms par mon savoir, 
Et te rendre en gloire tes bons exemples et tes bienfaits ? 
Mon respect, ma tendresse, te 1'ont dit tous les jours !"* 

Is it not true that one genuine utterance from the heart of a 
people is testimony that outweighs a whole volume of opinions, 
however honest, about them ? The historical process, as manifested 
in different countries, may have led to the selection of various ideals 
as motives of organisation, but an open examination of data will 
make us very doubtful of statements that would deny to any 
nationality a given height of spirituality or refinement. 

Classification. The first point to be determined in dealing 
with the proper subject of this paper, the present position of the 
civilised woman, is the principle of classification to be followed. We 
might divide women into Asiatic and European ; but, if so, the 
American woman must be taken as European par excellence. And 
where must we place the woman of Japan ? The terms Eastern and 
Western are too vague, and modern and mediaeval too inexact. Nor 
can we afford to discard half of each of these generalisations and 
classify woman as, on the one hand, Western whether Norse, 
Teuton, Slav, or Latin and on the other Mongolian, Hindu, or 
Mussulman. Such a system of reference would be too cumbersome. 
Perhaps the only true classification is based on ideals, and if so, we 
might divide human society, in so far as woman is concerned, into 
communities dominated by the civic, and communities dominated by 
the family, ideal. 

The Civic Ideal. Under the civic ideal imperfectly as 
particular women may feel that this has yet been realised both 
men and women tend to be recognised as individuals, holding definite 
relations to each other in the public economy, and by their own free 
will co-operating to build up the family. The civitas tends to ignore 
the family, save as a result, like any other form of productive 
co-operation, and in its fullest development may perhaps come to 
ignore sex. In America, for instance, both men and women are 
known as " citizens." No one asks, " Are you a native^ or a subject, 
of America?" but always "Are you an American citizen?" The 
contemporary struggle of the Englishwoman for the rudiments of 
political equality with men is but a single step in the long process of 
woman's civic evolution. It is significant of her conscious acceptance 
of the civic ideal as her goal. The arrival of this moment is 
undoubtedly hastened by the very marked tendency of modern 
nations towards the economic independence of woman ; and this 
process, again, though born of the industrial transformation from 
1 Paris, Sandoz et Frischbacher, 1876. 


manual to mechanical, or mediaeval to modern, is indirectly 
accelerated, amongst imperial and colonising peoples, by the gravi- 
tation of the men of the ruling classes towards the geographical 
confines of their racial or political area. One factor, amongst the 
many thus brought into play, is the impracticability of the family as 
their main career for some of the most vigorous and intelligent of 
women. These are thrown back upon the civitas for the theatre 
of their activities and the material of their mental and emotional 
development. Such conditions are much in evidence in the England 
of to-day, and must have been hardly less so in Imperial Rome. 
Nero's assassination of his mother might conceivably be treated as 
the Roman form of denial of the suffrage to women. 

Regarding the civic evolution of woman as a process, it is easy to 
see that it will always take place most rapidly in those communities 
and at those epochs when political or industrial transformation, or 
both, are most energetic and individuating. The guiding and 
restraining influences which give final shape to the results achieved 
are always derived from the historical fund of ideals and institutions, 
social, aesthetic, and spiritual. It is here that we shall derive most 
advantage from remembering the very relative and approximate 
character of the differentiation of ideals. The more extended our 
sympathies, the more enlarged becomes the area of precedent. If the 
Anglo-Saxon woman, rebelling in England, or organising herself 
into great municipal leagues in America, appears at the moment 
to lead the world in the struggle for the concession of full civic 
responsibility, we must not forget the brilliance of the part played by 
women in the national history of France. Nor must we forget the 
mediaeval Church, that extraordinary creation of the Latin peoples, 
which, as a sort of civitas of the soul, offered an organised super- 
domestic career to woman throughout the Middle Ages, and will 
probably still continue, as a fund of inspiration and experience, to 
play an immense part even in her future. Nor must we forget that 
Finland has outstripped even the English-speaking nations. Nor 
can we, in this connection, permit ourselves to overlook the woman- 
hood of the East. The importance of woman in the dynastic history 
of China, for example, during the last four thousand years, would of 
itself remind us that, though the family may dominate the life of 
the Chinese woman, yet she is not absolutely excluded from the civic 
career. Again, the noble protest of his inferior wife, Tchong-tse, 
to the Emperor in 556 B.C., against the nomination of her own son 
as heir to the throne, shows that moral development has been known 
in that country to go hand in hand with opportunity. "Such a 
step," she says, " would indeed gratify my affection, but it would be 
contrary to the laws. Think and act as a prince, and not as a father." 


This is an utterance which all will agree, for its civic virtue and 
sound political sense, to have been worthy of any matron of Imperial 

But it is not China alone, in the East, that can furnish evidence to 
the point. In India, also, women have held power, from time to 
time, as rulers and administrators, often with memorable success. 
And it is difficult to believe that a similar statement might not 
be made of Mohammedanism. There is at least one Indo-Mussul- 
man throne, that of Bhopal, which is generally held by a woman. 
Perhaps enough has been said to emphasise the point that while the 
evolution of her civic personality is at present the characteristic fact 
in the position of the Western woman, the East also has power, 
in virtue of her history and experience, to contribute to the working- 
out of this ideal. To deny this would be as ignorantly unjust as to 
pretend that Western women had never achieved greatness by their 
fidelity, tenderness, and other virtues of the family. The antithesis 
merely implies that in each case the mass of social institutions is 
more or less attuned to the dominant conception of the goal, while 
its fellow is present, but in a phase relatively subordinate, or perhaps 
even incipient. 

The civic life, then, is that which pertains to the community 
as a whole, that community whether of nation, province, or township 
whose unity transcends and ignores that of the family, reckoning 
its own active elements, men or women as the case may be, as 
individuals only. Of this type of social organisation public spirit is 
the distinctive virtue ; determined invasion of the freedom or welfare 
of the whole, in the interest of special classes or individuals, the 
distinctive sin. The civic spirit embodies the personal and cate- 
gorical form of such ideals as those of national unity or corporate 
independence. Its creative bond is that of place, the common home 
as distinguished from blood, the common kin that common home 
whose children are knit together to make the civitas, the civic family, 
rising in its largest complexity to be the national family. 

The characteristic test of moral dignity and maturity which our 
age offers to the individual is this of his or her participation in civic 
wisdom and responsibility. Our patriotism may vary from jingoism 
to the narrowest parochialism, but the demand for patriotism, in some 
form or other, we all acknowledge to be just. Different countries 
have their various difficulties in civic evolution, and these are apt to 
bear harder on that of the woman than of the man. The study of 
woman in America, where society has been budded, so to speak, from 
older growths and started anew, with the modern phase, in a virgin 
soil, is full of illustrations. It would be a mistake to attribute the 
regrettable tendency towards disintegration of the family, which we 


are undeniably witnessing in that country to-day, to any ardour in 
the pursuit of civic ideals. High moral aims are almost always 
mutually coherent Weakening of family ties will not go hand in 
hand, in a modern community, with growth of civic integrity. Both 
the progressive idea of the civitas and the conservative idea of the 
family are apt to suffer at once from that assumption of the right to 
enjoyment which is so characteristic of the new' land, with its vast 
natural resources still imperfectly exploited. Various American 
States exhibit a wide range of institutions, domestic and political. 
Some have long conceded the right of female suffrage, while in others 
the dissolution of marriage is notoriously frivolous. But we may 
take it as an axiom that the ethics of civitas and of family, so far 
as woman is concerned, are never really defiant of each other ; that 
neither battens on the decay of its fellow, but that both alike suffer 
from the invasions of selfishness, luxury, and extravagance ; while 
both are equally energised by all that tends to the growth of 
womanly honour and responsibility in either field. Even that move- 
ment, of largely American and feminist origin, which we may well 
refer to as the New Monasticism the movement of social observa- 
tion and social service, finding its blossom in university settlements 
and Hull Houses is permeated through and through with the 
modern, and above all with the American, unsuspiciousness of 
pleasure. It is essentially an Epicurean movement always remem- 
bering, as did Epicurus, that the higher pleasures of humanity include 
pain not only in the effort it makes to brighten and enliven poverty 
and toil, but also in the delicate and determined gaiety of spirit 
of those engaged in it, who have never been heard to admit that the 
hair-shirt of social service, with all its anxiety and labour, affords 
them anything but the keenest of delight to don. 

, The Family Ideal. The society of the East, and therefore neces- 
sarily its womanhood, has moulded itself from time immemorial 
on the central ideal of the family. In no Eastern country, it may be 
broadly said the positive spirit of China and the inter-tribal unity 
of Islam to the contrary notwithstanding has the civic concept ever 
risen into that clearness and authority which it holds in the modern 
West. As a slight illustration of this, we have the interesting question 
of the sources amongst different peoples of their titles of honour. In 
China, we are told, all terms of courtesy are derived from family rela- 
tionships. The same statement is true of India, but perhaps to a less 
extent ; for there a certain number of titles are taken from the life of 
courts, and also from ecclesiastical and monastic organisations. The 
greatest number and variety of titles of honour, however, is un- 
doubtedly to be found amongst Mussulman nations, who have been 
familiar from the beginning with the idea of the alien but friendly 


tribe. In all countries, as well in Asia as in mediaeval Europe, 
individual women, owing to the accidents of rank or character, have 
occasionally distinguished themselves in civil and even in military 
administration. If France has had her saintly queen, Blanche of 
Castile, China has had a sovereign of talents and piety no less 
touching and memorable in Tchang-sun-chi, who came to the throne 
in 626 A.D. as wife of Tai-tsoung ; and military greatness and heroism 
have more than once been seen in Indian women. In spite of these 
facts, the civitas, as the main concern of women, forms an idea which 
cannot be said ever to have occurred to any Eastern people, in 
the sense in which it has certainly emerged during the last hundred 
years amongst those nations which inherit from Imperial Rome. 

In the West to-day there are large classes of unmarried women, 
both professional and leisured, amongst whom the interest of the 
civic life has definitely replaced that of the domestic life. The East, 
meanwhile, continues to regard the family as woman's proper and 
characteristic sphere. The family as the social unit determines its 
conception of the whole of society. Community of blood and origin, 
knitting the kinship into one, becomes all-important to it as the bond 
of unity. The whole tends to be conceived of in Eastern countries 
as the social area within which marriages can take place. That com- 
bination of conceptions of race and class which thus comes into 
prominence constitutes caste, rising in its multiplicity into the 
ecclesia or samaj. Throughout the art of Eastern peoples we can see 
how important and easily discriminated by them is the difference 
between mean and noble race. The same fact comes out even in 
their scientific interests, where questions of ethnology have always 
tended to supplant history proper. And in geography their attention 
naturally gravitates towards the human rather than the economic 
aspects of its problems. As a compensating factor to the notion 
of birth, the East has also the more truly civic idea of the village 
community, a natural norm for the thought of nationality. But left 
to themselves, undisturbed by the political necessities engendered by 
foreign contacts, Oriental communities would probably have con- 
tinued in the future, as in the past, to develop the idea of a larger 
unity, along the lines of family, caste, samaj, and race, the culmination 
being the great nexus of classes, sects, and kinships bound together by 
associations of faith and custom for the maintenance of universal 
purity of pedigree. The West, on the other hand, though not in- 
capable of evolving the worship of blood and class, tends naturally 
to the exaltation of place and country as the motive of cohesion, and 
thus gives birth to the conception of nationality as opposed to that 
of race. 

Racial unity tends to modification, in the special case of the 


Mussulman peoples, by their dependence on a simple religious idea, 
acting on an original tribal nucleus, as their sole and sufficient bond 
of commonalty. Islam encourages the intermarriage of all Mussul- 
mans, whatever their racial origin. But it would be easy to show that 
this fact is not really the exception it might at first appear. The race 
has here, in an absolute sense, become the church, and that church is 
apostolic and proselytising. Thus the unit is constantly growing by 
accretion. It remains fundamentally a racial unit, nevertheless, 
though nearer than others to the national type. In the case of 
Chinese civilisation, again, the race-idea would seem to be modifiable 
by Confucian ethics, with their marvellous common-sense and regard 
for the public good, creating as these do a natural tendency towards 
patriotism and national cohesion. Yet it is seen in the importance of 
ancestor-worship as the family bond. The sacrament of marriage 
consists in the beautiful ceremony of bringing the bride to join her 
husband in the offering of divine honours to his forefathers. 

Amongst Hindus the same motive is evidenced in the notion that 
it is the duty of all to raise up at least one son to offer ceremonies of 
commemoration to the ancestors. The forefathers of an extinct 
family go sorrowful, and may be famine-stricken, in the other world. 
In my own opinion this is only an ancient way of impressing on the 
community the need for maintaining its numbers. This must have 
been an important consideration to thoughtful minds amongst early 
civilised peoples, faced as they were by the greater numbers of those 
whose customs were more primitive. Only when a man's place in his 
community was taken by a son could he be free to follow the whims 
of an individual career. 

The Family in Islam. The family is, in all countries and all ages, the natural 
sphere for the working-out of the ethical struggle, with its results in personal 
development. The happiness of families everywhere depends, not on the subor- 
dination of this member or that, but on the mutual self-adjustment of all. In the 
large households and undivided families of Eastern countries this necessity is self- 
evident. The very possibility of such organisation depended in the first place on 
the due regimentation of rank and duties. Here we come upon that phenomenon 
of the subordination of woman whose expression is apt to cause so much irrita- 
tion to the ardent feminists of the present day. Yet for a permanent union of 
two elements, like husband and wife, it is surely essential that one or other should 
be granted the lead. For many reasons this part falls to the man. It is only 
when the civic organisation has emerged as the ideal of unity that husband and 
wife, without hurt to their own union, can resolve themselves into great equal 
and rival powers, holding a common relation to it as separate individuals. The 
premier consideration of family decorum involves the theoretical acceptance, by 
man or woman, of first and second places respectively. In the patriarchal family 
and the matriarchate is now exceptional and belated the second place is 
always taken by woman ; but the emphasis of this announcement is in proportion 
to the resistance offered to its first promulgation. That is to say the law was 
formulated at the very birth of patriarchal institutions, when it sounded as if it 


were nothing more than a paradox. It is this fact, and not any desire to insult 
or humiliate women as such, that accounts for the strength of Eastern doctrines 
as to the pre-eminence of man. Semitic institutions, and especially the charac- 
teristic polygamy of Mussulman peoples, are a testimony to this enthusiasm for 
fatherhood at the moment of the rise of the patriarchate. To a fully individualised 
and civicised womanhood, the position of wife in a polygamous family might 
well seem intolerable. Such an anomaly is only really compatible with the 
passionate pursuit of renunciation as the rule of life, and with the thought of the 
son, rather than the husband, as the emotional refuge and support of woman. 
Polygamy, though held permissible in India and China for the maintenance of 
the family, does not receive in either country that degree of sanction which 
appears to be accorded to it in Islam. It is at once the strength and the weakness 
of Islamic civilisation that it seems to realise itself almost entirely as a crystal- 
lisation of the patriarchal ideal, perhaps in contrast to the matriarchal races by 
whom early Semitic tribes were surrounded. In the spontaneous Islamic move- 
ment for progressive self-modification which our time is witnessing, under the 
name of Babisnt, or Behai-ism, great stress is laid on the religious duty of educa- 
ting and emancipating woman as an individual. 

The Family in China. China, though seemingly less dependent on the super- 
natural for the sources of her idealism than either India or Arabia, appears to 
have an intellectual passion for the general good. She appreciates every form of 
self-sacrifice for th.v good of others, but is held back, apparently by her eminently 
rational and poftive turn of mind, from those excesses of the ideal which are to 
be met with in India. She judges of the most generous impulse in the light of 
its practical application. As an example, her clear conception of the importance 
of perfect union between a wedded couple never seems to have led her to the 
practice of child marriage. The age of twenty for women and thirty for men is 
by her considered perfect for marrying. 1 Nor has any inherent objection ever 
been formulated in China to the education of woman. On the contrary, the 
National Canon of Biography, ever since the last century B.C., has always devoted 
a large section to eminent women, their education and their literary productions. 
Many famous plays and poems have been written by women. And as a special 
case in point, it is interesting to note that one of the dynastic histories, left 
unfinished on the death of its author, was brought to a worthy conclusion by his 
accomplished sister." 

The fact that a woman shares the titles of her husband, and receives with him 
ancestral honours, points in the same direction of respect and courtesy to woman 
as an individual. We are accustomed to hear that filial piety is the central virtue 
of Chinese life ; but it is essential that we should realise that this piety is paid to 
father and mother, not to either alone witness in itself to 'the sweetness and 
solidarity of family life. I have heard a translation of a long Chinese poem on 
the discovery of the vina, or Oriental violin, in which we see a maiden sigh over 
her weaving, and finally rise from the loom and don man's attire, in order to ride 
forth, in place of her aged father, to the wars in the far north. It is on her way 
to the seat of action that she comes across the instrument which is the soul of 
song, and sends it back to her father and mother, that its music may tell how her 
own heart sighs for them day and night ! All writers seem to agree in admitting 
that the devotion of children to parents here extolled is fully equalled by the love 
of Chinese parents for their children. 

The essential part of the ceremonies of ancestral worship must be performed, 
in a Chinese family, by the sons. Woman may assist, it seems, but can never 
replace, man in this office. In the year 1033 the Dowager- Empress, in the office 
of Regent, as a protest against the exclusion of women, insisted on herself per- 

1 Martin. * Professor Giles, Lecturer at Columbia University. 


forming the state worship to the ancestors rendered necessary by the advent of a 
comet. This bold innovation proved, however, merely exceptional. Again, the 
rule that a child shall be born in its father's house is one of unbending rigour, in 
spite of the great liberality with which women are often allowed, after marriage, 
to revisit the paternal roof. 1 These facts mark the memory of an energetic 
transition from matriarchate to patriarchate, which has failed, nevertheless, to 
obliterate all traces of the earlier. Chinese society ascribes the end of the 
matriarchate, that is to say, the institution of marriage, to the mythical emperor 
Fou-hi, some two and a half millenniums before the Christian era. In confirma- 
tion of the tradition, this emperor himself is said to have been of virgin birth, that 
is to say, his mother was unwedded, a common characteristic of the ancient 
Chinese saints and heroes. 2 A similar persistence of the memory of the matri- 
archate is seen in Southern China, in the prevalence of the worship of goddesses, 
and notably of K wan- Yin, Queen of Heaven. It should be said that throughout 
Asia the worship of goddesses is vastly older than that of gods, and may be held 
one of the best means of studying the matriarchate. The Chinese ideograph for 
clan-name is a compound of woman and birth, a distinct relic of the period when 
descent was reckoned through the mother. And finally, the persistence of 
matriarchal influence is seen, not only in the frequent political importance of the 
Dowager-Empress, or Queen-Mother, but also in humbler ranks of society, by the 
vigilance which seems to be exercised by the woman's family, and even by her 
native or ancestral village, over the treatment accorded to her in marriage. 
According to Dr. Arthur Smith, it is this which is effective in staving off divorce 
as long as possible and in punishing cruelty or desertion. Thus the woman's 
kindred enjoy a remarkable unwritten power, as a sort of opposite contracting 
party in the treaty of marriage, and exercise a responsibility and care unexampled 
in Europe. 

Nor is pure idealism altogether unrepresented in the life of Chinese women. 
This is seen in the tendency of girls to take the vow of virginity ; in the respect 
felt for women who marry only once ; and in the public honours accorded to 
such as, before sixty years of age, complete thirty years of faithful widowhood. 
Both Buddhism and Tao-ism include orders of nuns, amongst whom the Tao-ist 
communities are said at present to enjoy the greater social prestige. A regrettable 
feature of these ideals which may play a part, however, in impelling Chinese 
society forward upon the exaltation of the civic life for women is the fact 
that girls sometimes band themselves together under a secret vow of suicide in 
common, if any of their number should be forced into marriage. Writers on the 
subject attribute this reverence for the idea of virginity to the percolation of 
Indian thought into China, and such may possibly be its origin. But it is easy to 
understand that it might have arisen spontaneously, from those high conceptions 
of womanly honour that are inseparable from the stability of patriarchal institu- 
tions, joined to that historic commemoration of the heroic women of the matri- 
archate which has already been mentioned. 

The Family in India. In India, as in China, the perpetuation of the family is 
regarded as the paramount duty of the individual to the Commonwealth. There 
is a like desire for male posterity, made universal by a similar rule that only a 
son can offer the sacraments of the dead to the spirits of his forefathers. But 
the practice of adoption is very frequent, and the intervention of a priestly class, 
in the form of domestic chaplains, makes this element somewhat less central to 
the Hindu system than to the Chinese, amongst whom the father is also the 

As throughout Asia, the family is undivided, and in the vast households of 
this type domestic matters are entirely in the governance of women. Servants 

1 Dr. Arthur Smith, Village Life in China. 3 Giles. 


are few in the inner or women's apartments, and even women of rank and 
wealth give more time, and contribute more personal energy, to the tasks of 
cooking, nursing, and cleansing than we should think appropriate. Child- 
marriage, which, though decreasing, is still more or less the representative 
custom, renders the initial relations of the young bride to her husband's people 
somewhat like those of a Western girl to her first boarding-school. But it is not 
to be forgotten that the woman shares in the rank and titles of her husband, 
hence the path of her promotion to positions of honour and priority is clearly 
marked out from the beginning. The advent of motherhood gives her an access 
of power, and this recognition culminates in the fact that in the absence of sons 
she is her husband's heir, and always the guardian of her children during their 
minority. As a widow, she has also the very important right of adoption. The 
personal property of a mother goes to her daughters. 

Anything more beautiful than the life of the Indian home, as created and 
directed by Indian women, it would be difficult to conceive. But if there is one 
relation, or one position, on which above all others the idealising energy of the 
people spends itself, it is that of the wife. Here, according to Hindu ideas, is 
the very pivot of society and poetry. Marriage, in Hinduism, is a sacrament, 
and indissoluble. The notion of divorce is as impossible as the re-marriage of 
the widow is abhorrent. Even in Orthodox Hinduism this last has been made 
legally possible, by the life and labours of the late Pundit Iswar Chunder Vid- 
yasagar, an old Brahminical scholar, who was one of the stoutest champions of 
individual freedom, as he conceived of it, that the world ever saw. But the 
common sentiment of the people remains as it was, unaffected by the changed 
legal status of the widow. The one point that does undoubtedly make for a 
greater frequency of widow-remarriages is the growing desire of young men for 
wives whose age promises maturity and companionship. A very pathetic 
advertisement lately, in one of the Calcutta dailies, set forth such a need on the 
part of a man of birth and position, and added, " Not one farthing of dower will 
be required ! " Probably this one social force alone will do more than any other 
to postpone the age of marriage and ensure the worthy education of woman. 
It is part of the fact that Hinduism sees behind the individual the family, and 
behind the family society, that there is no excuse made for the sin of abandoning 
the husband and deserting the burdens and responsibilities of wifehood. If one 
does this, the East never plays with the idea that she may have fled from the in- 
tolerable, but gravely makes her responsible for all the ensuing social confusion. 
There was indeed a movement of religious revivalism in the fifteenth century a 
sort of Hindu Methodism which asserted the right of woman as equal to that 
of man to a life of religious celibacy. But ordinarily, any desertion of the 
family would be held to be unfaithfulness to it. And all the dreams of the 
Indian people centre in the thought of heroic purity and faith in wifehood. 

There is a half-magical element in this attitude of Hindus towards women. 
As performers of ritual-worship they are regarded as second only to the profes- 
sional Brahmin himself. I have even seen a temple served by a woman, during 
the temporary illness of her son, who was the priest. Our prejudice in favour 
of the exclusive sacramental efficacy of man, instinctive as it may seem to us, is 
probably due to Semitic influences. Even Rome had the Vestal Virgins ! In the 
non-Brahminical community of Coorg the whole ceremony of marriage is per- 
formed by women, and even amongst Brahmins themselves, the country over, an 
important part of the wedding rites is in their hands. A woman's blessing is 
everywhere considered more efficacious than a man's in preparing for a journey 
or beginning an undertaking. Women are constituted spiritual directors, and 
receive the revenues and perform the duties of a domestic chaplaincy during 
the incumbent's minority without the matter even exciting comment. A little 
boy is taught that whatever he may do to his brothers, to strike his sister would 


be sacrilege. A man is expected to love his mother above any other created 
being. And the happiness of women is supposed to bring fortune in its train. 
The woman-ruler finds a sentiment of awe and admiration waiting for her, 
which gives her an immense advantage over a man in the competition for 
enduring fame. These facts are of course partly due to the intense piety and 
self-effacement of the lives led by women at large ; but still more to the dim 
memory of a time when they were the matriarchs and protectors of the world. 
There is no free mixing of the sexes outside the family in any one of the three 
great Asiatic societies Chinese, Indian, or Islamic. But the degree of woman's 
cloistered seclusion varies considerably in different parts, being least in those 
provinces of India where the communal institutions of primitive society have 
been least interfered with by contact with Mohammedanism, and at its strictest, 
probably, amongst the Mussulman peoples. 

The Economic Standing of Women in the East. Even a cursory study of the 
position of woman is compelled to include some mention of her economic 
standing. In societies where the family furnishes her main career, she is 
generally of necessity in a position of dependence, either on father or husband. 
Amongst Hindus, this is mitigated by a dot, consisting of jewels, given at 
marriage and after. This property, once given, becomes the woman's own, 
not to be touched even by her husband, and in case of widowhood, if there 
is no other fund, she is supposed to be able to sell it and live on the interest. 
Amongst Mohammedans a dower is named, and deeds of settlement executed 
by the husband at marriage. It is said that every Mussulman cabman in 
Calcutta has undertaken to provide for his wife a dower of thousands of rupees. 
To pay this is obviously impossible, yet the institution is not meaningless. In 
case he wishes for divorce a man can be compelled to pay to the uttermost, 
and God Himself, it is said, will ask, on the Day of Judgment, where is the 
amount that he left in default. It is easy to see how this is calculated to protect 
the wife. The custom gives point also to the beautiful story of Fatima, 
daughter of Mohammed and wife of Ali, who was asked by her father what 
dower she would wish named, and answered, " The salvation of every Mussul- 
man ! " Leaving her own future thus unprotected in the risks of marriage, 
God Himself would not be able to refuse her dower on the Day of Judgment 

I have not been able to discover what provision is made by the Chinese 
for a woman, in case of a long and lonely widowhood. Doubtless, in China as 
in India, the most substantial part of her provision lies in the solidarity of 
the family as a whole. If her husband's relatives cannot support her, a woman 
falls back upon her own father or brothers. As long as either family exists, 
and is able to support her, she has an acknowledged place. If she have sons, 
both she and they must remain with the husband's people. 

The whole East understands the need of a woman's having pin-money. In 
China, it is said, the proceeds of cotton-picking, and no doubt also what comes 
of the care of silkworms ; in India, such matters as the sale of milk, cattle, 
and fruit ; and among Mohammedans, eggs, chickens, and goat's milk, are 
all the perquisites of the mistress of the household. Like the French, the 
Eastern woman is often of an excessive thrift, and her power of saving, by the 
accumulation of small sums, is remarkable. That the women require, in the 
interests of the home itself, to have a store of their own, probably every man 
would admit. Of course, where the circumstances of the family are of a 
grinding poverty, this cannot be. 

It must be understood that the present age, in the East even more than 
amongst ourselves, is one of economic transition. Fifty years ago there, as a 
hundred and fifty years ago amongst ourselves, the main occupation of all 
women, and especially of those of gentle birth, was spinning. I have met many 
a man of high education whose childhood was passed in dependence on the 



secret earnings of, say, a grandmother. Such a possibility no longer exists, 
and perhaps one of the saddest consequences, East and West, is the amount 
of unfruitful leisure that has taken its place. Instead of the old spinning and 
its kindred arts, the Western woman, as we all know owing to the growth 
of luxury and loss of efficiency has become still more dependent on her 
husband than she was. The main economic advance of woman among our- 
selves lies in the striking-out of new professions and careers by unmarried 
women. This is not yet a factor of great importance in the East.' In India, 
we have a few women-doctors and writers ; and a growing perception of the 
need of modern education is raising up a class of teachers, who are training 
themselves to assist in the spread of instruction amongst women. Besides this, 
in a lower social class, the old household industries are giving place to the 
factory organisation, and in many places woman is becoming a wage-earner. 
This change is of course accompanied by great economic instability, and by 
the pinch of poverty in all directions. It is one of the many phases of that 
substitution of civilisations which is now proceeding. This substitution is a 
terrible process to watch. It is full of suffering and penalties. Yet the East 
cannot be saved from it. All that service can attempt is to secure that insti- 
tutions shall not be transplanted without the ideals to which they stand related. 
Accepting these, it is possible that Eastern peoples may themselves be able 
to purify and redeem the new, transforming it to the long-known uses of their 
own evolution. 

Incipient Developments. India, it should be understood, is the 
headwater of Asiatic thought and idealism. In other countries we 
may meet with applications, there we find the idea itself. In India, 
the sanctity and sweetness of family life have been raised to the 
rank of a great culture. Wifehood is a religion, motherhood a dream 
of perfection ; and the pride and protectiveness of man are deve- 
loped to a very high degree. The Ramayana epic of the Indian 
home boldly lays down the doctrine that a man, like a woman, 
should marry but once. " We are born once," said an Indian woman 
to me, with great haughtiness ; " we die once. And likewise we are 
married once ! " Whatever new developments may now lie before 
the womanhood of the East, it is ours to hope that they will con- 
stitute only a pouring of the molten metal of her old faithfulness 
and consecration into the new moulds of a wider knowledge and 
extended social formation. 

Turning to the West, it would appear that the modern age has 
not unsealed any new springs of moral force for woman in the 
direction of the family, though by initiating her, as woman, into 
the wider publicity and influence of the civic area it has enormously 
increased the social importance of her continuing to drink undis- 
turbed at the older sources of her character. The modern organisa- 
tion, on the other hand, by bringing home to her stored and 
garnered maternal instinct the spectacle of the wider sorrows and 
imperfections of the civic development, has undoubtedly opened to 
her a new world of responsibility and individuation. The woman 


of the East is already embarked on a course of self-transformation 
which can only end by endowing her with a full measure of civic 
and intellectual personality. Is it too much to hope that, as she 
has been content to quaff from our wells in this matter of the 
extension of the personal scope, so we might be glad to refresh 
ourselves at hers, and gain therefrom a renewed sense of the sanc- 
tity of the family, and particularly of the inviolability of marriage ? 

[Paper submitted in English.] 
b-H'i' ) fiir.JwjjRiMji/; >n<-bibn<>-> ^i'li/ifjovpT'i" vH h< > 


Professor of Anthropology in Columbia University, New York. 

WHEN we try to judge the ability of races of man, we make the 
silent assumption that ability is something permanent and stationary, 
that it depends upon heredity, and that, as compared to it, environ- 
mental, modifying influences are, comparatively speaking, of slight 
importance. While in a comparative study of the physical character- 
istics of races that are as distinct as the white and the negro, or 
the negro and the Mongol, this assumption might be accepted as 
a basis for further studies, its validity is not so clear in a comparison 
of the mental characteristics of branches of the same race. When, 
for instance, it is claimed that certain types of Europe show better 
mental endowment than other types of Europe, the assumption is 
made that these types are stable, and cannot undergo far-reaching 
differences when placed in a new social or geographical environment. 

It would seem, therefore, that a study of the stability of race- 
types has not only a fundamental biological importance, but that 
it will also determine our views of the relative mental endowment 
of different types of man. 

A theoretical investigation of this problem will show that the 
assumption of an absolute stability of human types is not plausible. 
Observations on growth have shown that the amount of growth 
of the whole body depends upon more or less favourable conditions 
which prevail during the period of development. Unfavourable 
conditions retard growth ; exceptionally favourable conditions acceler- 
ate it. A more detailed study of the phenomena of growth has 
shown that the development of different parts of the body does 
not proceed by any means at the same rate at a given period. 
Thus at the time of birth the bulk of the body and stature are 
very small, and increase with great rapidity until about the four- 
teenth year in girls, and the sixteenth year in boys. On the 



other hand, the size of the head increases rapidly only for one 
or two years ; and from this time on the increment is, comparatively 
speaking, slight. Similar conditions prevail in regard to the growth 
of the face, which grows rapidly for a few years only, and later 
on increases, comparatively speaking, slowly. The amount of water 
contained in the brain also changes with a fair amount of rapidity 
during the early years of life, and remains about the same later 
on. It follows from this observation that if an individual is 
retarded by unfavourable conditions after a certain organ has obtained 
nearly its full development, while other organs are still in the 
process of rapid evolution, the former cannot be much influenced, 
while the latter may bear evidence of the unfavourable conditions 
which were controlling during a certain period of life. This must 
necessarily have the result that the proportions of the body of 
the adult will depend upon the general conditions of life pre- 
vailing during youth, and the effects of these conditions will be 
most noticeable in those organs which have the longest period of 

It is a well-known fact that the central nervous system continues 
to develop in structure longer perhaps than any other part of the 
body, and it may therefore be inferred that it will be apt to show 
the most far-reaching influences of environment. 

It follows from this consideration that social and geographical 
environment must have an influence upon the form of the body 
of the adult, and upon the development of his central nervous 

This theoretical consideration is borne out by observation. The 
investigations of Bolk have shown clearly that an increase in stature 
has occurred in Europe during the last decades, due evidently to 
a change of environment ; and the numerous investigations which 
have been made on the proportions of the body of the well-to-do 
and of the poor, of able students and poor students all show 
characteristic differences, which may be explained in great part 
as effects of the retardation and acceleration to which we have 

It would seem, however, that besides the influences of more 
or less favourable environment which affect the form of the body 
during the period of growth, a number of other causes may modify 
the form of the body. Professor Ridgeway goes so far as to think 
that the stability of human types in definite areas and for long 
periods is an expression, not of the influence of heredity, but of 
the influence of environment; and that, on the other hand, the 
modifications of the human form which are found in the Mediter- 
ranean area, in Central Europe, and in North-western Europe, are 


due to the differences of climate, soil, and natural products. It 
does not seem to me that adequate proof can be given for modifi- 
cations of the human form as far-reaching as those claimed by 
Professor Ridgevvay, although we must grant the possibility of 
such influences. We have, however, good evidence wljiich shows 
that the various European types undergo certain changes in a 
new environment. The observations on which this conclusion is 
based were made by me on emigrants from various European 
countries who live in the city of New York, and on their 

The investigation of a large number of families has shown that 
every single measurement that has been studied has one value 
among individuals born in Europe, another one among individuals 
of the same families born in America. Thus, among the East 
European Jews the head of the European-born is shorter than 
the head of the American-born. It is wider among the European- 
born than it is among the America-born. At the same time the 
American-born is taller. As a result of the increase in the growth 
of head, and decrease of the width of head, the length-breadth 
index is considerably less than the corresponding index in the 
European-born. All these differences seem to increase with the 
time elapsed between the emigration of the parents and the birth 
of the child, and are much more marked in the second generation 
of American-born individuals. 

Among the long-headed Sicilians similar observations have been 
made, but the changes are in a different direction. The stature 
does not change much ; if anything, it is shorter among the 
American-born than among the European-born. The head is 
shorter among the American-born, and at the same time wider, 
than among the European-born. Thus a certain approach of the 
two distinct types may be observed. 

It would of course be saying too much to claim that this 
approach expresses a tendency of diverse European types to assume 
the same form in America. Our studies prove only a modification 
of the type ; but we are not able to determine what the ultimate 
amount of these modifications will be, and whether there is any 
real tendency of modifying diverse types in such a way that one 
particular American type should develop, rather than a limited 
modification of each particular European type. 

The people of Bohemia and Hungary show also the effect of 
the changed environment. Among them both width of head and 
length of head decrease. The face becomes much narrower, the 
stature taller. 

It is most remarkable that the change in head-form of American- 


born individuals occurs almost immediately after the arrival of their 
parents in America. A comparison of individuals born in Europe 
with those born in America shows that the change of head-form is 
almost abrupt at the time of immigration. The child born abroad, 
even if it is less than one year old at the time of arrival, has the 
head-form of the European-born. The child born in America, even 
if born only a few months after the arrival of the parents, has the 
head-form of the American-born. The failure of American environ- 
ment to influence the foreign-born might be expected, because the 
total change of the head-index from early youth to adult life is 
very small. On the other hand, those measurements of the body 
which continue to change during the period of growth show a 
marked influence of American environment upon European-born 
individuals who arrive in America as young children. Thus the 
stature of European-born individuals increases the more the younger 
they were at the time of their arrival in America. The width of 
the faces decreases the more the younger the child that came 
to America. 

These observations are of importance, because it might be 
claimed that the changes in head-form develop because the 
mechanical treatment of children in America differs from their 
treatment in Europe. The European child is swaddled, while the 
American child is allowed to lie free in the cradle. The change 
in the face diameters and in stature show, however, that such 
mechanical considerations alone cannot explain the changes that 
actually take place. 

The results obtained by a rough comparison of European-born 
and American-born have been corroborated by a direct comparison 
of European-born parents and their own American-born children, 
and also by a comparison of the European immigrants who came 
to America in one particular year, and of their descendants born 
in America. In all these cases the same types of differences were 

These observations seem to indicate a decided plasticity of 
human types ; but I wish to repeat that the limits of this plasticity 
are not known to us. It follows, however, directly, that if the 
bodily form undergoes far-reaching changes under a new environ- 
ment, concomitant changes of the mind may be expected. The 
same reasons which led us to the conclusion that more or less 
favourable conditions during the period of growth will have the 
greater influence the longer the period of development of a particular 
part of the body, make it plausible that a change of environment 
will influence those parts of the body most thoroughly which have 
the longest period of growth and development. I believe, therefore, 


that the American observations compel us to assume that the 
mental make-up of a certain type of man may be considerably 
influenced by his social and geographical environment. It is, of 
course, exceedingly difficult to give an actual proof of this conclusion 
by observation, because we know that the mental manifestations 
depend to a great extent upon the social group in which each 
individual grows up ; but it is evident that the burden of proof is 
shifted upon those who claim absolute stability of mental character- 
istics of the same type under all possible conditions under which 
it may be found. 

It may be pointed out here that the change of type which has 
been observed in America is in a way analogous to the difference 
of type that has been observed in Europe in a comparison between 
the urban population and the rural population. In all those cases 
in which thorough investigations have been made in regard to 
this problem, a difference in type has been found. The interpre- 
tation given in this phenomenon is, however, entirely different 
from the one attempted here. One group of observers, particularly 
Ridolfo Livi, believe that the type found in urban communities 
is largely due to the greater mixture of local types found in cities 
when compared to the open country. Others, notably Otto Ammon 
and Rose, believe that we have here evidence of natural selection, 
and that the better type survives. It seems to my mind that 
the latter theory cannot be substantiated, but that both mixture 
and change of type are sufficient to explain what is taking place 
in the transition from rural life to urban life. 

orfj It will naturally be asked, what produces changes in human 
types? Can these changes be so directed as to bring about an 
improvement of the race? I do not believe that these questions 
can be answered in the present state of our knowledge. The 
structural changes which must necessarily accompany the modifi- 
cations of gross form are entirely unknown, and the physiological 
functions which are affected by the new environment cannot even 
be surmised. It seems, therefore, a vain endeavour to give a 
satisfactory explanation of the phenomenon at the present time. 
The investigation should be extended over numerous types^ and 
carried on in different climates and different social environments, 
before we can hope to understand the correlation between bodily 
form and function and outward influences. The old idea of 
absolute stability of human types must, however, evidently be 
given up, and with it the belief of the hereditary superiority of 
certain types over others. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 



Professor of Economic Geography at University College, London. 

THERE is no doubt that difference of skin-colour is one of the 
greatest " racial " barriers, and yet there can be little doubt that it 
is entirely a matter of climatic control. 

The accepted unity of primeval man has a double basis, and 
would not be disproved even by the most complete proof of the 
existence of different original stocks " gorilla," " orang," " gibbon," 
or any other. For the glaciation of the earth must have compressed 
all alike into low latitudes, where uniformity of climatic conditions 
and consequent human needs and food-supply must have produced 
uniformity of results. 

The accepted site of the ancestral home in " Javanese " latitudes, 
even if there can be no longitudinal delimitation, involves the 
assumptions (i) that early Pleistocene man was dark-skinned and 
(2) that his earliest natural movements would be longitudinal east- 
ward or westward along the old Indo-African bridge, which may or 
may not have formed part of a larger " Lemurian " continent. 

Now, in such longitudinal movements this primeval man, whom 
without necessarily accepting all or any of the suggestions about a 
possible " Gondwanaland " we may call a Gondwana, could meet 
with no marked change of temperature. And any Pleistocene relics 
of a possible Gondwanaland had this at least in common with the 
present distribution of land in the Southern Hemisphere, that their 
most southerly margin was in comparatively low latitudes. There 
was, therefore, no reasonable chance of the Gondwana being bleached 
by movement polewards, though he might be blackened by moving 
from forest to savana. 

The case was different when he began to move northward ; and 
any Pleistocene relics of a possible "Angaraland " had this at least 
in common with the present distribution of land in the Northern 
Hemisphere, that their most northerly margin was in very high 
latitudes. Consequently, even pre-glacial man, if he moved north- 
wards, must have been bleached. 

But when the negro of to-day is bleached by disease or fright, old 
age or residence in dark forest, he turns yellowish, as the " shaded " 
inner sides of his hands or feet are normally. And the same fate 
must have overtaken the primeval Gondwana when he began to be 
bleached by movement polewards. Thus we infer a semi-primeval 
yellow man, whom we may call an Angara. 


This Angara, again, even in the inter-glacial periods, must have 
been largely confined to longitudinal movement inside his own 
domain ; and such movement would bring him eventually to an 
eastern or a western ocean. In approaching this ocean he would be 
further bleached by the increased humidity, and would become really 
white-skinned, as the Japanese and the Tavastian Finns actually are 

The fundamental differences of skin-colour between the black 
tropical and the white temperate types of man are, therefore, of 
purely climatic origin, the climatic influence working both directly 
from without and indirectly through the different relative activities of 
lungs and intestines, the tropical climate throwing on the skin and 
the intestines work which the temperate climate throws on the lungs. 
The consequent increased activity of the lungs, in the presence of 
relatively little sun-light and sun-heat, favours the lighter colour of 
skin, while the increased activity of the liver and other intestines, in 
the presence of relatively great sun-light and sun-heat, favours the 
darker colour. 

Under these circumstances it seems obvious that, whatever the 
value or the worthlessness of skin-colour as a test of "race," it is 
enormously the most important consideration in the climatic distri- 
bution of man. There is no question that ordinary sunburn in this 
country is a pathological phenomenon i.e., an injury caused only 
and directly by the short, actinic rays that it seldom occurs in 
dark-skinned persons, and that it can be prevented in the fair- 
skinned by a slight staining of the skin. And there is no question 
that natural skin pigment is evolved for a precisely similar purpose 
t'.e.y to exclude the dangerous " X "-like rays. 

Not only, then, is man pigmented as a protection against too much 
sun-light, but the amount of pigment also varies with the intensity 
of the sun-light. It is actually evolved under exposure to the light. 
Consequently in each " race " there must have been originally suffi- 
cient to protect it from the particular intensity of the light in the 
particular race-home. Otherwise the "race" would have become 
extinct, just as any plant would have become extinct in which there 
was not sufficient chlorophyll to absorb the rays of the particular 
wave-length that will break up the carbonic oxide of the air. If 
pigment is developed according to need, and if black stops more rays 
than brown, we should expect to find the " blackest " skins amongst 
men, like the blackest stripes on the zebra, in the hottest parts of the 
world that are unforested ; and this is precisely what we do find 
the real black man coming (except for a few small groups, e.g., on the 
edge of the Australian desert) essentially from the African savana. 
The rich black of the Western Sudan, with its high percentage of 


bright sunshine to leeward of monsoon jungle, is not found inside the 
jungle or on islands with typically marine climates. For instance, 
the negrilloes of the equatorial forest in Africa, like the Sakai in the 
Malay jungle, are yellowish ; the Samangs, like most of the Austra- 
lians, are dark chocolate ; the Nilotic negroes are reddish ; the Indo- 
nesians are almost tawny. 

The absence of the forest is important from two points of view. 
It means, of course, the direct absence of tree-shade ; it implies also a 
relative deficiency of rain, which is normally associated with absence 
of cloud. And it is precisely this underlying question of humidity 
that decides the varying shades of skin in the " black " man outside 
the forest areas. Wherever there is humid air to blanket the 
dangerous rays, as in the latitudes of constant equatorial rainfall or 
at the bottom of an enclosed valley, there the new adult arrival is 
actually " bleached," and indigenous children, as amongst the Krus, 
never become very deeply pigmented. On the same principle, the 
race-home of the white peoples was bound to be confined to the only 
part of the world where moist winds blow regularly, towards high 
latitudes against a relief which allows them easy access inland over a 
large area. 

Here, even apart from the humidity, neither heat nor light is 
intense ; so that black skin is not needed as a protection against 
excessive light, while white skin is needed to minimise radiation of 
the relatively deficient heat. But even here the precise shade is 
blonder where the winds are never " traded " in summer ; and, on the 
other hand, even white-haired animals have points that are not pro- 
tected by hair e.g., the nose, protected by pigment, and that from 
the lower end of the spectrum e.g., pink. 

Intermediate between the black man and the white man comes 
the yellow man, who is essentially the product of desiccating grass- 
lands in intemperate latitudes. Here the fundamental considerations 
are lack of humidity and seasonal extremes of temperature. Again 
the absence of cloud makes light the dangerous element, and the 
man must be pigmented ; but the question of temperature is also 
important. The natural colour is, therefore, one which conserves 
heat nearly as well as white, but which also protects from light ; and 
in these latitudes a colour from the low end of the spectrum gives 
ample protection, especially as the minimum cloudiness is associated 
with the winter season. That is to say, on the great steppes and 
prairies of the Northern Hemisphere, as upon the great plateaus and 
tundra, the normal colour should be some shade of yellow or red. 

The normal red or yellow of these intemperate grass-lands is 
certain to be modified by anything which changes the relative 
humidity, and so the percentage of cloud e.g., mountains or proxi- 


mity to the sea ; and therefore "Aryan " mountaineers, like maritime 
Mongols, must be associated with white skins, just as the typical 
blonds of Europe must be associated with fiord and forest. Indeed, 
we may formulate a definite scheme of colour zones by relating 
temperature, as conditioned by sunshine and relief, to rainfall, as 
implying humidity and cloudiness. 

The sun can certainly " blacken " wherever he is overhead and 
even outside that limit of latitude if the humidity is very low ; and a 
comparison of the mean annual isotherm of 80 F. with the corre- 
sponding mean annual isohyet of 10 inches suggests about 25 N. 
and S. as the natural limits of black skin. But, of course, inside 
these limits there are large areas where, as we have seen, other 
conditions may interfere with the effect of direct bright sun-light. 

Again, the sun can certainly " brown " up to the poleward limits 
of the Trade-winds, within which the cold, dry air is moving from 
colder to warmer latitudes, and can therefore at first hold much more 
moisture than it can normally get. These poleward limits of the 
Trade-wind system thus include all sub-tropical " Mediterranean " 
areas with their dry, bright summers and low relative humidity ; and 
we may fix the natural limits of brown skin as within such parts of 
latitudes 25 to 35 N. and S. as experience the full effect of the 
Trade-winds and have no local influence counteracting that effect 
We may add that there is a climatic propriety in the love of these 
brown-skinned peoples, alike in the summer drought of the Mediter- 
ranean area and in the winter drought of the Monsoon area, for 
clothing of colours from the low end of the spectrum e.g., red or 

( nr*Once inside the normal lower latitudes of the Anti-Trades a 
tinge of bleaching yellow naturally invades the brown, and, as red is 
so near yellow in the spectrum, the particular tinge may tend towards 
yellow or red or olive in response to particular local conditions, the 
yellow being always associated with vast desiccating grass-lands. 

The northern limit of this yellow zone must have been naturally 
about the northern latitudes of China ; but, as Western Asia came 
more and more under the influence of drought, the limit in that 
direction would be extended polewards at least as far as the edge of 
the Siberian forest. Comparing these conditions with their nearest 
parallel in the grass-lands of North America, we may fix the natural 
frontiers of the yellow skin round such continental parts of 35 to 
45 N. as are unforested, and such areas farther north as come 
directly under the influence of winter winds from a Pole of cold. 

Outside the limits just referred to, within a southern frontier 
which may roughly coincide with the southern frontier of Bear- 
worshippers, is the actual race-home of the white-skinned. Here 


the sun has only power to " tan," and even that power is heavily 
discounted by the constant presence of forests and in the normal 
path of cyclonic systems. In view, then, of the great importance of 
the angle of ray-impact and the thickness of atmosphere passed 
through, we may fix the natural limits of the " tanned " white within 
such parts of latitudes 45 to 55 N. as are maritime or forested, 
whilst the "bleached" white must have come from north of 55 N., 
which is roughly the latitude of Copenhagen. 

[Paper submitted in English."] 

By Professor EARL FINCH, Wilberforce University, U.S.A. 

IT is well known that whenever two races occupy the same 
geographical area a mixed population arises ; in fact, such a large 
percentage of the world's population has come into existence by race 
crossing that the character of the product is as important for social 
welfare as it is interesting for the anthropologist and sociologist. 
The question gains added importance in the present era of colonial 
expansion from the increasing contact of the European with the dark- 
skinned populations of the tropics, with whom he has never hesitated 
to mingle his blood. The question, however, has been so generally 
approached from the side of philosophic doctrine, rather than from 
the side of objective study, that there is the greatest possible 
divergence between the conclusions of those who presume to speak 
with authority. The followers of Gobineau, in France, and Morton, 
in America, have maintained that racial inter-mixture has had and 
can have only disastrous consequences. At the other extreme are 
those who preached the gospel of amalgamation in the United 
States, during and after the Civil War, maintaining that intermixture 
between races so dissimilar as the whites and negroes would prove 
beneficial. It is the object of the writer to present some facts tend- 
ing to prove that race blending, especially in the rare instances when 
it occurs under favourable circumstances, produces a type superior 
in fertility, vitality, and cultural worth to one or both of the parent 

The superiority of the mixed people to the native stock in 
fertility and vitality is shown by their persistence, sometimes in the 
very locality in which the native race, in contact with foreigners, has 
declined or disappeared. When Tasmania was colonised the native 
population was roughly estimated at 7,000. The policy of extermi- 
nation pursued by the colonists had reduced the aborigines to 120 in 


1832. These were removed to Flinder's Island; but although the 
locality is healthy they had declined in 1847 to 14 men, 22 women, 
and 10 children. These were removed in 1847 to Oyster Cove in 
the southern part of Tasmania, but they declined so rapidly that only 
three elderly women survived in 1869, the last of whom died in I876. 1 
The rapid decline of the Maoris and Australians is well known. 
The native population of the Hawaiian Islands estimated at 300,000 
when Cook discovered the Islands in 1778 had declined to 29,787 in 

It was apparent, however, even in the time of Darwin, that a 
cross between the native stock and a civilised race gives rise to a 
progeny capable of existing and multiplying in spite of changed con- 
ditions. Between 1866 and 1872 the native Hawaiians decreased by 
8,08 1, while the half-breeds increased by 847.2 Between 1890 and 
1900 the Hawaiians of full blood decreased from 34,436 to 29,787, 
while those of mixed blood increased from 6,186 to 7,848. 

Quatrefages wrote that "the Polynesian Islanders disappear with 
a terrible rapidity, whilst their mixed races, and even pure-blooded 
Europeans, show a redoubled fertility." 3 Although the American 
Indian tends to decline in the presence of European civilisation, the 
products of the blending of Negroes, Spanish, and Portuguese with 
the Indian, form a large fraction of the population of the southern 
part of the Western hemisphere. The Griquas of South Africa, 
descendants of Dutch and Hottentots, have prospered and multiplied, 
while the pure Hottentots have rapidly decreased. Even after 
making due allowance in all these cases for the increase due to the 
birth of half-breeds of the first generation, the superior fertility and 
vitality of the mixed population are evident. 

Pitcairn Island was settled in 1790 by nine English mutineers, six 
Tahitian men, and fifteen Tahitian women. In 1808 only white men 
and eight or nine women and children were left. But the first half- 
breeds grew up, intermarried, and had numerous children. In 1855 
the population had increased to 200. After removing to Norfolk 
Island in 1856 they increased so rapidly that, although sixteen 
returned to Pitcairn in 1859, they numbered 300 in 1868 ;4 in 1905 
the population of Norfolk Island was 1,059, a majority of whom were 
descendants of the mutineers. The present population of Pitcairn 
Island is flourishing. Emily L. McCoy, a direct descendant of one 
of the mutineers, writes : " We have good constitutions, though so 
closely related, and we are as healthy and active from childhood to 

1 J. Bonwick, The Lost Tasmanian Race. 

* Darwin, Descent of Man, vol. i., p. 253. 

s Quatrefages, The Human Species, p. 220. 

4 Darwin, Descent of Man, vol. i., p. 253. Quatrefages, The Human Species, p. 263. 


old age as a people can well be." x The remarkable increase of the 
half-breeds of Pitcairn and Norfolk Islands, more rapid than the 
increase of the population of England, is in striking contrast with the 
rapid decline of the Tasmanians, Maoris, and Australians. 

Facts in favour of the view that mulattoes are not fertile are so 
eagerly sought that the large body of evidence, tending to prove the 
exact opposite, is ignored. An eminent authority in the United 
States argues that the decrease of intercourse between whites and 
negroes in the Southern States is causing a decrease in the number 
of mulattoes and a perceptible return to the pure African type. 2 But 
the census shows that there has been a more rapid increase among 
mulattoes than among negroes of the purer type, during this very 
period of decreasing intercourse.3 

Percentage of mulattoes in total negro population : 

'' m i890. 18*0. 

Continental United States ... ; '^.OMI.J.' 15-2 ... 12 
North Atlantic Division ... ,<)'{..>{'' 2 3' 2 1 7'3 

South Atlantic Division ... I3'4 [ 10*4 

j ''. 
North Central Division ,. . . ** 3 1 22 '3 

South Central Division .i. jlIji Hi b ' ji .?. : 14 * ?&"* li'S 
Western Division ... > V.7"'J*UJi^ t- .4. 39-2 >*>v.* 35-6 

jljiw ly'OiiMiJ ;i>'(. bin; r!.-iru".ru' ^vpv v 1 ! To "nil fto.d >;fj "I*.- alcyhaio 
Although it is probable that the decrease of race crossing in the 

United States is often over-estimated, there are conditions unfavour- 
able to the perpetuation of the mulatto type. There is a tendency for 
the mixed population to disappear by marrying into the darker race, 
or by identifying themselves with the white. The strenuous attempt 
to bar negroes from participation in the privileges of democratic 
society leads many of the proscribed class, whose negro blood cannot 
be detected, to affiliate with the favoured race by settling in localities 
where they are unknown. The rapid increase of mulattoes under 
these conditions is strong evidence that they are not inferior in 
fertility or virility to either of the parent stocks. The coloured 
people in Jamaica persist as a fairly well-marked type, although their 
number is hardly one-fourth that of the blacks, while the white popu- 
lation is so small that no large number of mixed people can be added 
by race crossing. The mulatto class persists in Haiti, although they 
form only ten per cent, of the population, and the number of whites is 
negligible. The mixed population of Santo Domingo increases 
rapidly, although the number born from crossing with any pure stock 
is very small. 

It is extremely difficult for the mixed class to demonstrate their 
cultural worth because of the deplorable conditions under which the 

1 The Independent, September 29, 1904. 

1 Bruce, The Plantation Negro as Freeman, p. 53. 

Census Bulletin, p. 8 ; Negroes in the United States, p. 16. 


mixed populations come into existence. Most race crossing has 
occurred on the outskirts of civilisation, and the half-breeds, despised 
by one race and despising the other, have been outcasts from society. 
The victims of prejudice and social ostracism are certain to display 
some bad qualities ; yet, despite these untoward circumstances, there 
is a large body of evidence of the superior energy and mental vigour 
produced by the race crossing. The greater number of negroes who 
have achieved distinction in the United States have been men of 
mixed blood. Many of the purer type have manifested remarkable 
intellectual power, yet it is probably more than a coincidence that 
Douglas, Washington, and DuBois, who have attained the height of 
group leadership, have been mulattoes ; superior, moreover, to both 
the white and blacks in their ancestry. The mulattoes of Haiti form 
a large percentage of the aristocracy, and are very prominent in com- 
merce, in the professions, and in State affairs. The coloured people 
of Jamaica constitute a majority of those engaged in the trades and 
professions. Sir Sydney Olivier considers that this class of mixed 
race is indispensable to any West Indian community, because it saves 
the community from the cleavage between white and black, and helps 
to form an organic whole. Quatrefages believed that the half-breed 
of the negro and European, when placed under normal conditions, 
justifies the words of the old traveller, Thevenot : " The mulatto can 
do all that the white man can do ; his intelligence is equal to ours." * 
If the mulatto is not superior in fertility, the rapidly declining birth-rate 
of the white nations may soon give him this significant advantage. 

It is not surprising that racial miscegenation often produces an 
inferior population. The withholding of social and legal sanction 
from inter-racial marriages tends to limit unions to the lower classes, 
the offspring of which are like the parents. But the results are likely 
to be advantageous if the crossing occurs under favourable conditions. 
" The Ainos of Japan, who are vanishing by amalgamation, are a very 
different and more primitive type than the Japanese, and both appear 
to be benefited by the process of absorption. The Portuguese and 
the Dutch have been intermarrying for several centuries in farther 
India to the advantage of both races, as is true of the Russians with 
the older natives of Siberia. The mixture of Arabs with the North 
Africans has produced the Moors ; many crossings of the Turks, the 
mixture of the Spaniards and Indians in South America and Mexico, 
especially in Chile, which have resulted in Neo-Indian and Neo-Aryan 
types, show how favourably the crossing of races may act if differences 
are not great and if both sexes of both races marry with each other 
instead of only the men of one with the women of the other." 2 In 

* The Human Species, p. 283. 

* G. Stanley Hall, Adolescence, vol. ii., pp. 722-3. 


the province of Saint Paul, Brazil, Portuguese and inhabitants 
of the Azores have intermarried with the native Gayanazes and 
Carijos. From the first, unions were regularly contracted among 
them, and the offspring were accepted as the equals of the pure 
whites. From these unions has sprung a race as noted for remarkable 
moral development as for intellectual power and for strength, beauty, 
and courage. 

Crossing was accomplished under normal conditions in Saint Paul 
because of favourable social sentiment ; approximately normal condi- 
tions prevailed at Pitcairn, because of geographical isolation. The 
Paulists appear to be equal, if not superior, to the most advanced 
of the parent stocks, while few will deny that the Pitcairn Islanders 
are superior to their Tahitian mothers and their English fathers. 

While race blending is not everywhere desirable, yet the crossing 
of distinct races, especially when it occurs with social sanction, often 
produces a superior type ; certainly such crossing as has occurred 
tends to prove absurd the conclusion that the dilution of the blood of 
the so-called higher races by that of the so-called lower races will 
either set the species on the highway to extinction, or cause a relapse 
into barbarism. 

[Paper submitted in English.'] 





By Dr. CHR. L. LANGE, Brussels, 

General Secretary of the Interparliamentary Union, Norwegian 
Member of the Second Hague Conference. 

Definition of Terms. In general the term parliamentary rule 
denotes that special form of national self-government which was 
founded in Great Britain and Ireland some two hundred years ago, 
and of which the special characteristic is the subordination of the 
Executive to the Legislature. The Government, or Cabinet, tends to 
become a sort of committee chosen from among the party which has 
a majority in the more important branch of the Parliament, or 
National Representative Assembly. 

In this Congress it will be chiefly interesting to examine one 
general aspect of the question. It seems to me that here it is natural, 
not so much to study the specific tendency toward parliamentary rule, 
which is limited to certain countries of highly developed European 
civilisation, as to follow the general trend of political evolution 
towards self-government, through elected representatives, in national 

I beg to lay stress on each of the words in this expression. 

The word national is used only in opposition to local or provincial. 
It will be outside the scope of the present paper to discuss the rather 
dubious use of the words nation and national as almost synonymous 
with state and political. 

The essential point in the question before us is the representative 
character of the persons charged with a national mandate, and the 
correct title of the paper would therefore perhaps be : " Tendencies 

113 i 


towards a Representative System of Government." In earlier times 
this representative character was very often granted by the Central 
Government ; the members of the House of Commons in England, 
for instance, were often nominated by them. 

In our time it is hardly possible to conceive representation 
without an elective basis, and owing to the democratic development 
this basis tends to become more and more popular in character. In 
some States this evolution has already reached its ultimate term, and 
the principle of manhood and womanhood suffrage has been estab- 

As a rule democratic development is accompanied by a strong 
leaning towards parliamentary ascendancy as against the monarch- 
ical or governmental element, though this is not always the case. It 
is of no great interest in this connection to distinguish between 
despotism and absolutism. In neither case is there an element of a 
representative character of any importance in the management of 
public affairs. But it is necessary to observe the distinction between 
what might be called constitutional government and parliamentary 
government proper. 

In constitutional government the Sovereign is bound by a Consti- 
tution, and some very important functions of the State legislation 
or finance can only be exercised by a co-operation of the Executive 
and the Legislature, the Government and Parliament. This is the 
system which prevails in the United States of America and in 
Germany. In parliamentary government, as is said above, the 
Government is dependent on Parliament to such an extent that, 
practically speaking, the Cabinet is only a committee of the parlia- 
mentary majority. This is the case in Great Britain, in France, and 
in most of the other European countries. There are, of course, a 
good many intermediate forms, and it is generally an idle question 
to ask to what type of government one or the other State belongs ; 
certainly no great light is shed on the problem by such a distinction. 
It is cited here only to give completeness to our classification. 

What we shall try to trace here, then, is the general tendency 
towards the adoption of a representative form of government in national 

Early Development. Though it seems that the principle of repre- 
sentative government was known in antiquity (provincial assemblies), 
its application became of real importance only in the Middle Ages. 
Two conditions facilitated this : the States were of a feudal character, 
the component parts of each claiming a certain independence within 
the general body, and they were large. The first circumstance 
implied that the different parts should have a certain share in the 
management of common affairs ; the second circumstance made it 


necessary that only some of the persons inhabiting each component 
part could meet in common. Thus the representative system origi- 
nated. There is no country in Europe that has passed through the 
feudal stage which has not, at some time or other, had a representative 
assembly organised in "Orders." In most countries absolutism put 
an end to the existence, even the formal existence, of these institu- 
tions ; but they survived in a few. In England, in Sweden, and in 
the Netherlands the Parliament, or the Orders, or States-General, 
have had a continuous, though often very chequered, existence down 
to our own time, and as long as the Polish Empire existed the Diet 
was the chief expression of Polish national life. 

It is from the first of these countries, England, that the repre- 
sentative form of government, as the logical and natural expression 
of popular liberties, spread throughout the nations of European 
civilisation, and in the last few decades also to other countries.; "to 

Beginning of Modern Times. Politically speaking, our age is the 
age of Democracy, and the great event opening this chapter in the 
world's history is the American Declaration of Independence on- 
the 4th of July of the year 1776. In all the thirteen States founded 
by this great charter representative rule was firmly established, and 
when, in 1789, after thirteen years of experiment and hesitation, the 
Confederacy was at length established, the same principle was 
applied to the treatment of federal affairs. 

The same year which saw the definite establishment of the great 
Democracy west of the Atlantic witnessed the opening of the great 
drama in European affairs whence the Europe of our own time has 

The birth of Modern Europe was accompanied by violent throes ; 
life was sacrificed recklessly to bring forth new life. The great 
Revolution and the Napoleonic wars are events of importance in 
a larger history than that of France alone. No single European 
country had the same features in 1815 as it had had in 1789. Fron- 
tiers had changed ; the great principle of national self-government 
one nation, one State found a more adequate expression at least 
than before ; and in countries such as Italy or Germany where the 
principle was violated after having found some expression, however 
imperfect, the national ideals continued to live in the minds and 
hearts of the nation, and later proved a vigorous leaven in its life^ 
pregnant of great changes. 

Not only had frontiers and external forms changed : the social 
and political conditions of most European nations were also pro- 
foundly modified. 

To return to our special subject, however. Very few of the 
countries of Europe were found, in 1815, after the fall of Napoleon, 


to possess representative institutions. The few were : England or 
rather Great Britain and Ireland where no modification had taken 
place ; Sweden, where the Orders in 1809 had recovered the legisla- 
tive and controlling power of which absolutism had robbed them ; 
Norway, where the dissolution of the secular Union with Denmark 
had given the nation an opportunity of establishing a Constitution 
adapted to the democratic social conditions of the people ; France 
and the Netherlands, where the restored dynasties found it prudent 
to secure their domination through the granting of Constitutions; and 
Switzerland, where, in some cantons at least, a representative system 
prevailed, while in others the direct popular rule, inherited from an 
earlier age, still existed. In Hungary, in Poland, and in Finland 
there were Constitutions ; but they existed, practically speaking, only 
on paper. The Kingdom of Poland, where the Diet had a semblance 
of life from 1815 to 1830, disappeared completely later on, even in 
name (1867). 

The other European States remained autocratic. Meanwhile the 
revolutionary movement in Europe had provoked a great upheaval 
in Latin America, where a series of revolutions created a great 
number of independent States out of the Spanish and Portuguese 
colonies. One of them, the Portuguese colony of Brazil, adopted 
a monarchical Constitution, to become a Republic only some decades 
later, in 1889. All the Spanish colonies became Republics. In the 
chequered history of their careers, all these States have kept the 
semblance at least of a representative, and even an advanced demo- 
cratic, system of government, though in reality they have very often 
been under the despotic sway of a military dictator. 

Establishment of European Constitutions, 1815-80. Autocratic 
Europe was not allowed a prolonged rest : succeeding revolutions, 
of which it is superfluous to give the details here, destroyed the 
fabric of despotism in reiterated shocks. Sometimes, even, con- 
stitutional life was established without any revolution at all, as in 
several of the States of South Germany in the years from 1816 
to 1819. Greece, in 1829, and Belgium, in 1830, won national 
independence and subsequently established a representative form 
of government. In Spain and in Portugal Constitutions were 
granted in the thirties, after military upheavals, while Switzerland, 
through a series of changes, arrived at its present democratic regime 
in federal as well as cantonal affairs. 

For the leading States of Central Europe, the great revolutions 
of 1848 were the beginning of profound reforms. When the strong 
tide of revolution had subsided in 1851, it seemed, indeed, as if 
next to nothing were changed. Germany was still divided ; Austria 
had regained its commanding position ; and Italy still consisted 


of a motley collection of petty principalities, with Austria as the 
dominating power. Only in Denmark had autocracy given way 
to a democratic Constitution. In two States, however, besides 
Denmark, political changes of profound significance had taken place. 
In Sardinia a Constitution had been granted, and in Prussia the 
King had been forced to make the same concession. These Con- 
stitutions became the starting-point of far-reaching developments. 
Sardinia took the lead in the struggle for Italian unity, extending 
the sway of its representative institutions to the other parts of the 
peninsula, as they were added to its own possessions, and at last 
became the Kingdom of Italy. Prussia, some years later, followed 
this example, and in its struggle with Austria made itself the 
champion of representative institutions. And when, in 1866, 
Prussia and Sardinia had combined for the final struggle against 
Austria, and Austria had been conquered, the first consequence was 
the establishment, in the dual Hapsburg monarchy, of a represen- 
tative system of government. 

The various Christian States which have successively issued 
from the Ottoman Empire have followed the same line of develop- 
ment : Roumania, Servia, and Bulgaria. 

In 1880 there were in Europe only two important States with 
autocratic Constitutions Russia and Turkey. In America there 
was not a single State without representative institutions, and in 
Asia one State, Japan, had imitated the European States and 
established a Constitution in 1889. It should not be forgotten, too, 
that a whole series of self-governing British colonies had organised 
themselves on a representative basis. 

Recent Advances. Broadly speaking, no profound change took 
place in this domain during the twenty-five years between 1880 
and 1905. It is true that during this period, as during the preceding 
ones, representative institutions assumed a more and more pro- 
nounced democratic character : the suffrage was extended to a 
greater number of citizens, and the power of popular and represen- 
tative institutions became greater as against that of the sovereign 
or the aristocracy. But during these twenty-five years no single 
state changed its autocratic for a representative regime. 

From 1905 begins a new era in this respect, an era which has 
its starting-point in the Russo-Japanese War. These developments 
are still present in our minds, and the fates of the several countries 
concerned will, moreover, form the subject of separate papers in 
this Congress. It will therefore be sufficient here to recall the main 
points in the evolution considered as a whole. 

The Russo-Japanese War influenced in two ways the evolution 
which we are endeavouring to trace. It gave a strong impetus to 


the movement for reform in Russia itself, and ultimately it provoked 
the institution of a representative chamber in that country a Duma 
and a Council of Empire, forming together the Russian Parliament. 

On the other hand, the victory of the Japanese over one of the 
great Powers of Europe evoked a movement of political reform in 
the Asiatic world. In 1906 a revolutionary upheaval forced the 
Persian Shah to grant a Constitution, and in 1908 a peaceful 
revolution, led by the party of Young Turks, under the inspiration 
of the Committee of Union and Progress, made an end of the 
despotic rule of the Sultan, and established a constitutional and 
parliamentary regime. The last few months have shown how 
serious are the forces at work in the Chinese Empire for the same 
end, and both in India and Egypt native parties are working in 
various ways for the establishment of popular and representative 
institutions. In India a small beginning has been made, and the 
native population is being initiated to the use of representative 

j^u^There is little doubt that this movement, which has evidently 
a very pronounced character, and asserts itself with growing force 
in most of the ancient countries which are generally described as 
Oriental, will go on until it reaches its logical conclusion, as it has 
done in European countries. It is a development of the profoundest 
interest to every student of political problems, and it will perhaps 
be desirable to say a few words both of the dangers or risks, and 
of the promises, which it contains. 

Dangers and Promises. I think I ought first of all to point out 
the seriousness of the special problem with which all these young 
movements in favour of representative institutions are confronted. 
It is this. They enter on the path of political evolution at a time 
when the more progressive nations have led a political life for 
generations, perhaps for centuries, and have therefore reached a 
highly developed stage in the extension of both popular and par- 
liamentary liberties. It is quite natural that the younger nations, 
bent on imitating their models, should be disposed to pass at one 
single bound to the same advanced stage, neglecting the inter- 
mediate steps, and forgetting that political life presents special 
difficulties which are only overcome under certain conditions. It 
is true that the art of politics is only acquired in the process of 
governing, and it is far from the intention of the present writer to 
lay down any hard-and-fast rule according to which political 
institutions should be granted to a people. On the contrary, I 
should be disposed to say that it is precisely the demand for 
political liberty which gives the best proof of the need to establish it. 

On the other hand, nobody will disagree with the statement 


that a serious risk will always be involved when a nation passes 
from autocracy to a very advanced stage of political liberty, either 
as to popular rights suffrage, liberty of the Press, freedom of 
association, &c. or as to the influence of the representative system 
on government and administration. 

Especially in the latter respect, i.e., the influence on the adminis- 
tration, the difficulties are very great. There is no doubt that 
autocracy, if it can be freed from its grave defects, its temptation 
to commit capricious and arbitrary acts, presents great advantages 
for an efficient and powerful administration. A strong will and a 
strong hand are essential here. As a rule a long education will 
be necessary to attain the same degree of efficiency under popular 
government. 'brpj^f 

' m There is yet another great danger or risk which I think should 
be pointed out in this connection, a risk which it is natural to dwell 
on at such a Congress as this. I am thinking of the strengthening, 
the intensification sometimes, of nationalist sentiments and prejudices 
which very often follow the creation of representative institutions 
within a State. 

yrji.This intensification manifests itself in two ways. Most of the 
Empires which have adopted representative institutions during the 
last few years are far from homogeneous in their ethnic composition. 
Russia or Turkey, not to speak of China, embraces several distinct 
nationalities. Very often in these countries autocracy alone was 
able, or thought itself able, to retain power, by an appeal to 
nationalist sentiment, making a pretext of the hatred of foreign 
peoples, within or without the frontiers of the Empire, to avert 
attention from what was not as it should be in internal affairs. - -i 

It seems, unfortunately, that this method has not been abandoned 
with the abandonment of autocratic rule. Nay, nationalism even 
appears in the new conditions to have a more legitimate character, 
because it is backed up by a popular force and is more than the 
expression of a despot's whims. Since nationalism is, by its very 
definition, a simple and unreflecting sentiment, it appeals to the 
least instructed, and it should not be a matter of surprise that it 
often arises in the first stages of a new democracy. 

It was said above that it manifests itself in two ways. It may 
appear as the determination of the ruling caste to subject and 
dominate foreign elements within the State, or as a hatred of the 
foreigner without. It should be expressly observed that in neither 
form is this feeling a new phenomenon, characteristic only of the 
empires with which we are now concerned. On the contrary, in this 
respect it may be said that such societies are following the standards 
of European civilisation, though not its highest standards. I think 


it, however, only fair to add that, if Europeans have suffered some- 
what from the general hatred of the foreigner that is found in these 
Oriental countries, they are only reaping what has been freely sown, 
in action and in speech, by themselves or by their ancestors. 

But if the prevailing tendency towards popular representation, 
or parliamentary rule, is pregnant with grave problems, it is no less 
rich in great promise. 

There is, firstly, a general aspect of this advance on which I 
need only say a very few words. We have seen that the political 
progress of our time has chiefly manifested itself among what are 
called the Oriental nations. Until recently these nations were re- 
garded as evidently inferior, because they were supposed to be 
incapable of self-government. The exception of Japan was there 
only to confirm the general rule. Otherwise " Asiatic despotism " 
used to be words indissolubly linked together. The introduction 
of parliamentary institutions, not only in one but in several 
Oriental countries, removes this prejudice and bridges the gulf 
between East and West. 

Next comes the beneficent influence of representative institu- 
tions in a nation's life. It may safely be said that parliamentary 
rule is of less importance, perhaps, in its direct bearing on the 
policy and government of the peoples concerned than in its wider 
moral aspect. Parliamentary rule is above all things a great 
educational force. Resting on and combined with local autonomy, 
or local self-government on a representative basis, it is the most 
powerful emancipating agency within our reach greater than the 
school, greater even than the best means of communication. It 
is true that national and racial prejudices acquire a great force in 
the first stages of political development ; but if the representative 
institutions of a country are not exclusively and deliberately based 
on the domination of a single nation or caste, if the Constitution 
allows also the representatives of the minor nationalities within 
the empire to meet and to work in Parliament, there can be no 
doubt as to the final outcome. 

The first, the elementary, condition of a good understanding is 
knowledge. Through co-operation, even through the struggles 
within the different parliaments, the representatives of different 
nations or races will be led on step by step, though it be through 
fear or hate, to mutual respect. Therefore I hold that, more 
especially from the point of view which distinguishes this Con- 
gress, the present decided tendency towards parliamentary rule is 
one of great promise. 

There will be a natural desire in this Congress, apart from 
political considerations, that all nationalities should have the 


opportunity of meeting within the parliaments of the States to 
which they belong on a footing of perfect equality. No colour- 
line, no language or nation-line, can be tolerated, if the object of 
this Congress is to be attained i.e., a fuller understanding, the 
most friendly feeling, and a heartier co-operation. 

I think this argument may perhaps be carried a little farther. 
Parliamentary life seems to work in the long run against national 
prejudice, not only within the single State, but also in foreign 
affairs. The parliamentarians, as representatives of the people, will 
have a stronger sense of their responsibility in the decision and 
the control of peace and war ; they will be more anxious than the 
autocrat, or his minister, or the clique influencing either, to avoid 
international complications. Kant long ago made it a condition 
for the establishment of universal peace that the different nations 
should have attained self-government. The educative force of 
parliamentary institutions will also tend to strengthen the wish to 
learn from other nations, and to develop a free interchange of 
goods and intercourse with them. All this makes for inter- 
nationalisation. European life is already international to a large 
extent. With the East coming into line with the West as I have 
shown above the conditions have been created for a general human 
advance which could not have been thought possible before our 
time. Even the boldest designs of international organisation had 
to face the difficulty that there were certain barbarians, or a " yellow 
peril," outside the pale of civilised and organised international 
society. It is not the progress of political institutions alone which 
now renders a world-wide organisation conceivable ; material pro- 
gress, mechanical inventions in industry and in the means of com- 
munication, are still more important. What makes this development 
so hopeful is that all these forces are working in the same direction. 

Tendencies towards Parliamentary Rule in International Affairs. 
In this connection it will be natural to add a few words as to the 
tendency of the last twenty or thirty years to apply the representa- 
tive system even to a larger area than that of the national 
empires. Some of these are, indeed, already of a world-wide 
character, uniting within their bounds populations living under very 
different conditions. The problem of conciliating autonomy with 
unity has in these cases been solved through federation. The 
United States of America is the most interesting instance in point, 
for they have succeeded in assuring to each of the forty-five States 
of which the Union is composed full autonomy in their own affairs 
as well as an equal share in the representation in the Senate, 
while the differences between the States are controlled by the 
composition of the House of Representatives. 


It is only natural that the idea of organising a wider political 
society, embracing all the States of the world, should proceed on 
these lines. As yet, however, nothing has been done officially in 
this respect. The two Peace Conferences, which met at the 
Hague in 1899 and 1907, were composed exclusively of Govern- 
ment Delegates, the delegates of all countries possessing equal 
votes. Here, then, the principle of popular representation through 
election was not recognised at all. 

There exists, however, an international institution which contains 
the germ of a representative institution, though as yet it has no 
official standing. It is the Interparliamentary Union, and some 
words on the organisation and aims of this institution may be con- 
sidered appropriate in this connection. 

The Interparliamentary Union was founded at the World's Fair 
in Paris, in 1889, through the initiative of an Englishman, Sir 
William Randal Cremer (d. 1908) with the hearty co-operation of 
a Frenchman, M. Frederic Passy, the well-known economist and 
philanthropist The Union was founded with a rather limited 
scope, that of promoting the practice of arbitration in the settle- 
ment of international differences. It has held a series of Conferences 
in the different European capitals, the last, the sixteenth, being held 
at Brussels last summer. The Conferences have gained an increas- 
ing number of adhesions, and have sometimes had the character 
of great demonstrations in favour of international peace and good- 
will. This was especially the case with the Conference in London, 
1906, and in Berlin, 1908. At each of these notable gatherings 
there met more than six hundred parliamentarians, representing 
upwards of twenty different nationalities. --njj 

After some years of action, without any definite organisation, the 
Union in 1892 organised itself in national groups, with a common 
representation in the Interparliamentary Bureau, or Council, as it 
was afterwards called. The headquarters were first fixed at Berne, 
but in 1909 they were transferred to Brussels. At that time a 
great change took place in the position of the Union. Since 1909 
it has received subsidies from various Governments, and thus has, 
so to speak, won an official position. It should be said, however, 
that the Conferences of the Union have no organised representa- 
tive character. In some countries the parliamentary groups, or 
even Parliament itself, appoints delegates to the sessions of the 
Union. This, however, is as yet an exception. Generally the 
members of each Conference meet only as private parliamen- 
tarians, and on their own account ; but, as they belong to different 
political parties, they may be said to represent fairly well the 
assemblies of which they are members. 


The chief aim of the Union is still to promote international 
arbitration, besides discussing questions of public International 
Law (Statutes, art. i). There can be no doubt as to the great 
influence of the Union in this province. It has contributed more 
than any other agency to the extensive use of arbitration during 
recent years. The code of the Permanent Arbitration Court at 
the Hague rests on a plan outlined by one Interparliamentary 
Conference, while the calling of the Second Peace Conference at 
the Hague is due to the initiative of another. 

No existing institution offers such excellent opportunities for 
promoting the great object of the present Races Congress. Here 
the responsible, elected representatives can meet and exchange 
opinions, discuss the large problems which divide them, and try 
to arrive at conclusions which may give at least partial satis- 
faction. And this will be still more true when, as may be foreseen, 
the Union extends its aim and admits the discussion, not only of 
problems of a juridical character, but also of other international 
questions of general interest. The Conferences will then represent 
very nearly an International Parliament, and only its voluntary 
organisation will debar it from being really the Parliament of Man. 

I do not think that the International Parliament of the future, 
which is no doubt coming, will lay down a common law for mankind, 
except in certain restricted departments which are really common to all. 

This International Parliament will chiefly favour the parallel 
development of national legislation and will endeavour to bring 
about the unification of law in those respects in which it is feasible 
and desirable. I do not see any ideal in international uniformity. 
On the contrary, national and racial diversity is in my opinion 
a condition of progress and life. The very word international has 
the word national as one of its component parts, as an essential 
condition of its meaning. 

[Paper submitted in English.'] iq/Ii: 



Late Chinese Minister to United States of America, Mexico, Peru, and 

Cuba; ex- Vice- President of Foreign Office, &c., in Peking; 

Member of the Hague Court. 

IT is an undisputed fact that no existing country in the world has a 
more ancient history than China, and that her civilisation dates from 
the earliest times. Like other nations, she has her legends, which 
purport to have arisen half a million years ago, but from the lack of 


authentic records little credence can be attached to such claim. The 
accession of the Emperor Fuk-Hi, 2953 B - c -> ' ls > however, recorded 
in the Chinese annals, and with him begins the period known 
amongst the Chinese as " High Antiquity." From that epoch dates 
the succession of dynasties down to the present time ; and the names 
of the different rulers, their reigns and the principal events happening 
in each, are recorded in Chinese history. 

Her civilisation may justly be described as the most venerable in 
existence. It was founded in the remotest period of antiquity, and 
developed under her own peculiar system of ethics, her own social 
and moral code, without aid from extraneous sources. This is partly 
due to her geographical position, but chiefly to the homogeneity of 
her people, all of whom, with a few unimportant exceptions, belong 
to the same race, use the same language, have a common religion 
and literature, and are governed by practically the same system of 
laws, morals, and customs. It is quite beyond the scope of this paper 
to discuss in detail the various stages of China's civilisation, but a 
general view of it may, perhaps, be obtained from the following four 
different points of view. 

1. Religious. From time immemorial the Chinese appear to have 
had definite religious beliefs. They had clear ideas of a Godhead, a 
supreme being ruling over the universe. He was designated the 
" Heavenly King," or " Supreme God," by whose decree the destiny 
of every creature or thing was supposed to be fixed. He was repre- 
sented as both merciful and just, and, while rewarding the good and 
punishing the wicked, he was not indisposed to temper justice with 
mercy. Consequently, he was feared, revered, and worshipped by 
all, from the Emperor down to the peasant. Other gods were 
admitted and worshipped ; but they were regarded as ministers, so 
to speak, of the Heavenly King, who appointed them to various 
offices, in much the same way as the Emperor appointed his officials 
to rule over his empire. This kind of religious belief persists to the 
present day, especially among the educated classes, and has exerted 
a strong and beneficial influence on the civilisation of China, in spite 
of the mystic, and frequently idolatrous, doctrines and creeds intro- 
duced by the so-called Taoists and Buddhists during the Middle 
Ages of Chinese history. 

2. Social and Moral. The Chinese had their own social and 
moral code ages ago, and scores of centuries have passed away 
without any material change in it. There are five degrees of relation- 
ship recognised by the code, and each degree has its prescribed 
duties, responsibilities, and rights. First comes the relationship 
between the sovereign and his subjects. The former is charged with 
the loving and benevolent care of his people, while the latter are 


enjoined to obey and serve their king with loyalty and faithfulness. 
Parents and children come next. " Honour thy father and thy 
mother " was, and is, as much a divine commandment with the 
Chinese as with the Hebrews ; and under the heading of " filial 
piety " all the offspring of a family are bound by an inflexible law to 
yield obedience and love to their progenitors. Parents are not with- 
out obligations to their children. They have to cherish, educate, and 
maintain them, and to provide for their future welfare. It may be 
said that in no other country is the family-tie held more sacred than 
in China. The next relationship is that of husbands and wives ; and, 
as some misapprehension exists concerning the status of women and 
the practice of polygamy in China, it may be well to dwell at greater 
length on this relationship. A husband is bound to treat his wife 
with great consideration and courtesy, and to cherish and provide for 
her, while the wife is required to love and obey her spouse. A man 
is permitted by law to have one wife only, and the wife one husband. 
It is incorrect to say that the Chinese are polygamous, since the 
marriage of more than one wife is treated as an offence in Statute- 
law, and is punishable by heavy penalties, and the second marriage 
is declared null and void. As a concession to human weakness, 
however, and especially for the humane purpose of providing for the 
unfortunate issue of unmarried women and securing the continuation 
of the family-line on the male side, the law, by a fiction, recognises 
the status of children born in concubinage, and admits them to 
become members of the families as if they were born in wedlock. 
This legal indulgence has, in course of time, led to much abuse, and 
has given the impression that a Chinese can have as many wives as 
he desires. As a matter of fact, the so-called secondary wife is not 
recognised by law, and has no legal status in a Chinese family. As 
to the present position of women there is also some misconception. 
To those who are well acquainted with the family life of the Chinese, 
the position of Chinese women does not seem much lower than that 
now attained by the majority of their sisters in the West. Within 
the Chinese home their reign is supreme. As Empresses, mothers, 
wives, and sisters they usually obtain their due share of honour, 
power, homage, affection, and respect. Their education, even in 
former times, was not entirely neglected, and, besides literature, they 
were early instructed in needlework and household management, in 
order to fit them to become effective helpmates of their future 
husbands. Since the beginning of the national reform movement 
within the last few years many public as well as private schools for 
girls have been established. The custom of the seclusion of women 
is being gradually abandoned, and they now enjoy as much liberty 
and freedom as their Western sisters. 


The relationship between the older and younger members of the 
family forms the fourth degree, and rules have been framed for the 
regulation of their conduct toward each other. The Chinese exact 
from the younger members great respect and reverence for their 
elders, who, in turn, are enjoined to treat their juniors with kindness 
and courtesy. This rule is enforced, not only in families, but in all 
the village-communities throughout the empire. Hence in every 
hamlet or country-place a council of elders is generally elected to 
deal with local affairs, and its decisions on matters referred to it have 
usually the force and authority of law. The officials interfere very 
little with their findings, and thus a vast amount of time is saved, and 
good order maintained, with little expense and trouble to the Govern- 
ment. This method of local government by the gentry and elders has 
been, and is, of the greatest utility and benefit. It forms the nucleus 
of local self-government, and the foundation of parliamentary rule. 

The last and fifth degree of relationship is that between friends 
and others with whom one associates, and the requirements of the 
social code in this respect are cordiality, sincerity, and faithfulness. 
Honest dealing in all transactions is secured by this moral law ; very 
few Chinese, except those of the lowest order, dare transgress it. 
For this reason the commercial integrity of the Chinese is proverbial 
and is much appreciated by foreigners and natives alike. 

3. Political. The government of China from the beginning of its 
history until now has been patriarchal in character. The theory was 
that the Emperor was the sire, having received his appointment from 
Heaven, and his various ministers and officers were the responsible 
elders and stewards of the various departments, provinces, and 
districts. For many centuries the occupant of the Imperial throne 
held his high office for life, and at his demise or retirement some 
able and virtuous minister was chosen, either by the Emperor himself 
or by the people or their representatives, as his successor. As the 
government was for the benefit of the people, the Emperor was in 
some instances compelled to resign, or was forcibly removed, if his 
reign turned to their detriment. The history of China contains 
several instances in which these drastic measures were taken to 
remove unjust rulers. In 1766 B.C., Ch'eng-t'ang, founder of the 
Shang dynasty, banished the wicked ruler Kieh, and in 1122 B.C. Wu 
Wang, of the Chow dynasty, deposed the cruel King Chou. The 
rare occurrence of such incidents was due to the comparative sound- 
ness of the government and wisdom of the rulers, and to the institu- 
tion of a peculiar system of strict surveillance and mutual responsi- 
bility among all classes of the people, which had the effect of 
deterring them from any interference in government affairs that 
might involve them and their relations in trouble. Since the advent 


of foreigners into China, the establishment of foreign consulates in 
different ports, and the acquaintance with foreign officials, merchants, 
and missionaries, the Chinese have gradually learned the more liberal 
systems of government prevalent in Europe and America. As a 
consequence, within the last few years, the officials and the people 
have shown an eager desire for reform in various directions. This 
has led the people to take a more active interest in municipal and 
imperial affairs, and in some instances they have not hesitated to 
send remonstrances against governmental measures or actions which 
they looked upon as unwise and injurious. A few years ago, in com- 
pliance with the express wishes of the people, imperial edicts were 
issued promising constitutional government and the formation of a 
national parliament in ten years. Preparations are being made for 
carrying out this promise. Local assemblies, composed of delegates 
from different districts, have been formed, and meetings are held 
periodically to discuss matters of local or provincial interest. A 
senate, composed of nobles, officials, and men of distinction in 
science, literature, or commerce, has lately been established in Peking. 
The formation of a responsible cabinet has recently been urged by 
the public, and the period of ten years fixed [before the inaugura- 
tion of a parliament has been considered too long. Yielding to 
public opinion and to the representations of a majority of the pro- 
vincial Viceroys and Governors, and of the ministers in Peking, 
the Government issued an Imperial Edict on November 4, 1910, 
changing the date for the establishment of the Parliament to the fifth 
year of Hsuant'ung, the year 1913, and decreeing that the official 
system be reorganised, a cabinet formed, a code of constitutional law 
framed, and the rules and regulations governing Parliament and the 
election of members of the Upper and Lower Houses, and other 
necessary constitutional reforms, be prepared and put into force 
before the assembling of Parliament. Thus it is hoped that in two 
years' time a constitutional Government and a Parliament will be in 
existence in this ancient empire. 

4. Educational. The instruction of the young had in the earliest 
times engaged the attention of Chinese educators. Besides teaching 
their youths polite literature and other branches of learning, they 
gave them moral training of a high order. The curriculum embraces 
mathematics, mechanics, painting, and music, athletic exercises, such 
as fencing, horse-riding, driving, archery, &c. As a result the 
Chinese led the world in polite literature, in inventive and mechanical 
genius, and in fine arts. But in the course of time some of these 
useful subjects were neglected, or omitted from the curriculum, and, 
instead of improving, the educational system deteriorated consider- 
ably. Since the national reform movement, however, the education 


of the young has engrossed the serious attention of officials and 
people, and energetic steps have been taken to improve the educa- 
tional system and to train boys and girls in all useful subjects along 
modern lines. 

Language. An international language is sadly needed in these 
days of free communication and commerce throughout the world. This 
want is much more felt by Orientals than Occidentals. A Briton or 
an American, after learning one foreign language, such as French, 
will be able to travel in Europe or elsewhere, and make himself 
understood without difficulty. With the Oriental the case is different. 
Besides his own, he has to study at least two languages before he 
can make his wishes known when he travels abroad. The task of an 
Oriental when learning a European language is also much harder 
than that of an Occidental. People of different nations frequently 
quarrel because they do not understand each other's feelings and 
motives ; if they could converse in one language, many disputes 
might be easily settled. This will be appreciated by any one who 
has had dealings with foreigners. I would, therefore, strongly urge 
the adoption of an international language, which would greatly help 
to promote a good understanding between all nations. 

In China and other Eastern countries English is more generally 
spoken than any other foreign language. There is, however, much 
room for improvement in the English language. There are no fixed 
rules, or there are many exceptions to the rules, for its pronunciation, 
and the irregular and eccentric way of spelling and accentuation is 
an almost insuperable difficulty for a foreigner. In order to adapt 
it for more general use, the useless and mute letters in words should 
be eliminated and the rules of pronunciation and accentuation should 
be uniform. I commend this subject to the favourable consideration 
of the British and American educators, and others interested in 
education, who would confer a great boon if they would reform the 
English language. The Spanish, being simpler in construction and 
pronunciation, is easier to study, and doubtless it would be welcomed 
by many if it were selected as a medium for international communi- 
cation. To meet the international difficulty, I would propose that 
an international congress, composed of two or three delegates from 
each nation in Europe, America, Asia, and Africa, be held, and that 
it be authorised to decide by a majority of votes upon one language, 
whether living or dead, for universal use. 

Inter-racial Marriage. With regard to the question of inter- 
racial marriage, in my opinion the principle is excellent, though I 
fear it is not easy to carry out. Broadly speaking, it is proper that 
Occidentals and Orientals should inter-marry, as this would be the 
best means of diffusing knowledge and creating ties of relationship 


and friendship. But some of our customs, habits, and modes of 
living, though excellent in themselves, are different from those of 
Western countries, and may not be agreeable to Occidental people. 
Within the last few years the people of China, especially those on 
the coast, have been adopting some of the Western habits and ways 
of living. It is not impossible that these persons will make good 
partners for life with Westerners ; in fact, there are cases of mixed 
marriages which have turned out to be happy. I am inclined to the 
opinion that when a nation has a large number of its people who 
marry with foreigners, it is a sign of progress. It has been proved 
that children inherit the traits of their parents, and, as the Chinese 
are noted for their patience, perseverance, honesty, and industry, 
these characters will naturally be imparted to the eurasian children, 
who will have the good points from both sides. 

That fair play and mutual consideration should be the guiding 
principle of nations as well as individuals is not only recognised in 
Europe and America, but is admitted and practised in China also. 
Circumstances, it is true, are not the same there as in Europe and 
America ; but, making every allowance for the difference, the principle 
of justice should not be violated. China had isolated herself for 
many centuries, and had little, if any, intercourse with foreign 
nations. Her attitude was that her country was large, her people 
were industrious, and her soil so rich, that its productions were 
sufficient for the support of her people. Thus the Imperial 
Government did not encourage the people to go abroad, and the 
people, on their part, were content to remain at home. But 
China was not allowed to continue in her secluded position. As 
the population of Europe rapidly increased, the enterprising spirit 
of Europeans naturally led them to seek new fields, and they asked 
that the door of China should be opened for them for purposes of 
trade. China at that time did not see the justice of their demand, 
as she at that time considered that she could do what she pleased 
with her own country. But her policy was disregarded. It was 
argued that no nation should be allowed to isolate herself. I need 
not detail the various collisions and disputes which happened ; it is 
sufficient to say that, as a result, force was used to compel China 
to admit foreign trade and commerce. China was substantially told 
that her national door must be opened to all foreigners to enter for 
purposes of trade, religion, and other legitimate business ; her people 
must be left free to trade with foreigners, and to embrace any 
religion they might choose without let or hindrance. She was also 
told that her people could freely trade, reside, and become citizens 
abroad. She was therefore compelled to make treaties with foreign 
nations, admitting their respective subjects and citizens to come to 



China to reside, trade, and preach the Christian religion ; and, 
being ignorant of the tariff laws of foreign countries, she was led 
to consent to the levying of a duty on the import and export of 
goods to and from China on a uniform scale of 5 per cent, ad valorem. 
For many years after the treaties had been concluded, the 
Chinese people did not take advantage of the privilege of going 
abroad, nor did the Imperial Government encourage them to do so, 
as it was considered dangerous to cross the ocean. The Chinese, 
however, were known to be honest, steady, patient, and hard-working 
people, and immigration officers and agents were sent to the southern 
part of China to obtain labourers for those countries which were in 
need of workmen. As a result a large number of labourers emigrated 
under contract to those countries, and were employed in various 
kinds of work, such as cultivating plantations, &c. They were found 
to be extremely useful, and so great was the demand that immigra- 
tion agents in China were instructed to obtain as many as possible. 
High premiums were offered for procuring emigrants ; unfair and 
fraudulent means were used by unscrupulous sub-agents ; and many 
peasants and others were enticed and kidnapped. These were the 
first steps taken to induce Chinese labourers to go to Western 
countries. If no such steps had been taken, I feel sure that no 
Chinese labourers would have gone so many thousands of miles 
in search of work. But the first Chinese workmen in foreign 
countries, discovering that there was a great field for their com- 
patriots, naturally persuaded their friends and relatives to join 
them. This accounts for the number of Chinese labourers going 
abroad to seek their fortunes. It should, however, be remembered 
that the first Chinese emigrants came from a few districts in the 
Canton province only, and that therefore all the Chinese labourers 
in Canada, the United States, Mexico, and South America are 
natives of the Canton province only. If Chinese labourers were 
allowed to go, say, to America, without restriction, which is 
unlikely, it may be regarded as certain that no Chinese from other 
provinces than that of Canton would emigrate. At the present 
moment there is no restrictive law against Chinese labourers coming 
to any of the European countries, yet none are found competing 
with European workmen, nor is there any danger whatever of 
Chinese labourers emigrating to that Continent. This should give 
food for reflection to those statesmen and others who are interested 
in the question. If my advice were asked, I would suggest that a 
commission composed of delegates from the countries interested in 
the subject should meet. I feel confident that by impartial investi- 
gation and fair discussion, a satisfactory solution of the whole 
question would be found. At present the argument of the nations 


who have changed their policy is practically reduced to this : " It 
is true that when we found we needed the services of Chinese 
labourers, we did invite them to come ; but now, on account of 
the opposition of the labour unions, whose votes we cannot afford 
to lose, who are jealous of the patience, perseverance, and indus- 
trious and economical habits of the Chinese emigrants, and fear 
their competition, we have deemed it advisable to exclude them." 
This sort of reasoning is certainly not logical. China, in her 
present peculiar position, is physically unable to resist ; but such 
a state of things is inconsistent with the laudable object of the 
Congress to encourage good understanding and friendly feelings 
between Occidental and Oriental peoples, and as long as it lasts 
that object will not be attained. 

The acquisition of unexplored territory for cultivation and 
development is a praiseworthy object ; but the newly acquired 
country should be opened to all. If it is exclusively reserved to 
the first settlers, it will not confer a benefit on mankind as a 
whole. For some centuries people who called themselves civilised 
acquired territory by driving away the natives of the soil and, in 
some instances, killing them. In cases where the natives were savages 
and cannibals, the use of force might be deemed expedient ; but 
where the invaded peoples are described as semi-civilised, or have 
a civilisation of a high order although in the opinion of Occidentals 
it may not reach their own standard the treatment should be 
different. To take undue advantage of their ignorance of Western 
methods and, under the pretext of some grievance, to annex their 
territory, is questionable procedure. It may be true that some wrong 
had been done ; but if a little forbearance had been shown and a 
proper explanation had been given instead of making dictatorial de- 
mands, in many cases the difficulty might have been amicably settled. 

In connection with this subject I would refer to the " White 
Policy," which, I regret to find, is advocated in some influential 
quarters, It is said that some countries should be reserved 
exclusively for white people, and that no race of another colour 
should be permitted there. When such a doctrine is openly 
approved by statesmen in the West, the yellow or coloured race 
should in fairness be allowed to act upon it themselves. Patriotism 
is an excellent quality ; but to preach the dogma of colour, race, 
or nationalism is a matter of grave international importance, and 
should not be handled without serious consideration. If such a 
doctrine should spread and be generally followed, men would become 
more narrow-minded than ever, and would not hesitate to take undue 
advantage of peoples of other colour or race whenever an opportunity 
occurred. Altruism would certainly disappear. Instead of friendly 


feelings and hearty co-operation existing between Occidental and 
Oriental peoples, there would be feelings of distrust, ill-will, and 
animosity towards each other ; constant friction and disputes would 
take place, and might ultimately lead to war. I have noticed that 
this cry of a " White Policy " has been raised, not by the aborigines, 
who might have some excuse, but by the descendants or settlers who 
had conquered and, in many cases, killed the aborigines of the 
country, which they now want to keep for themselves, and by 
politicians who recently migrated to that country. Is this fair or 
just? To those who advocate such a policy, and who no doubt 
call themselves highly civilised people, I would remark that I prefer 
Chinese civilisation. According to the Chinese civilisation, as inter- 
preted in the Confucian classics, we are taught that " we should treat 
all who are within the four seas as our brothers and sisters ; and that 
what you do not want done to yourself you should not do to others." 
Until racial and national feeling is eliminated from the minds of 
Occidental peoples, it is to be feared genuine friendship and co- 
operation between them and Oriental peoples cannot really exist. 

I am writing this paper in my unofficial capacity. I wish to state, 
however, that China and other Eastern nations do not ask for special 
favours at the hands of Occidental peoples ; but they do expect, and have 
a right to expect, that their nations and their peoples should be equally 
and equitably treated, in the manner accorded to Occidental peoples. 

I have no doubt that those attending the Congress will discuss 
the various subjects laid before them impartially and with an open 
mind. It is by such friendly discussions and personal contact that 
people gain a knowledge of real facts and arrive at a right con- 
clusion. That this Congress will be productive of good to the 
world, and that it will not be the last one but only the precursor 
of many others, is my earnest hope and prayer. 
[Paper submitted in English.] 


By TONGO TAKEBE, Bungaku Hakushi, 

Professor of Sociology in the Imperial University of Tokyo, Associt 
of the Institut International de Sociologie ; 

and TERUAKI KOBAYASHI, Bungaku Shi, 

Professor of Pedagogics in the Girls' Higher Normal School of Tokyo, 
Lecturer on Sociology in the Imperial University of Tokyo. 

I. Introduction. The Japanese Empire, a small island country, 
long maintained a policy of national isolation, and offered no 


opportunity to other nations to make her acquaintance. However, 
when in the year 1853 the American warships suddenly appeared 
at Uraga, she decisively changed her three hundred years' policy, 
opened her doors to all the world, and began to aim at progress. 
She endeavoured to study and to introduce European and American 
civilisation, but at the same time to retain her own characteristics, 
and by this policy the small island country of the Far East has joined 
the company of the Great Powers. At the conclusion of the Chino- 
Japanese War, the world finally began to abandon its contemptuous 
attitude towards our country. Later, at the time of the Boxer 
insurrection, the world saw that Japan was not inferior to European 
countries ; and, in the late war with one of the strongest nations in 
Europe, the news of the successive victories of our army and navy 
surprised every one, and there was abundant praise of our valour 
and judgment. By degrees the nations of the West began to 
seek some cause of these successes, and thus all eyes turned to the 
characteristic civilisation of Japan and the nature of the Japanese 
people. Christ said, " The tree is known by its fruit." On that 
principle the world at large seeks to understand the secret of the 
development of the Japanese Empire of to-day. For the purpose 
of elucidating this, we have published The Japanese Nation, a 
work in which a scientific account is given of the development of 
Japanese society from the sociological point of view. In the present 
paper we shall deal with the same theme, though the limits of our 
space prevent us from discussing it as fully as in the former work. 

The reasons why our country ruled by the descendants of a 
single line of monarchs and forming an island country in an 
advanced state of development in the East has never invaded 
other countries, and has never been invaded by them, but had an 
independent history for three thousand years, are manifold ; but 
we may reduce them to three : firstly, the national constitution at 
the establishment of the Empire ; secondly, the influence of geo- 
graphical and other natural features ; and thirdly, the character of 
the Japanese people. Let us deal with these divisions. 

II. The National Constitution at the Establishment of the Empire. 
It is a general rule that the first sovereign of a country has sacred 
power, and that this power is destroyed by war as time goes on. 
There are few Governments which have been built up without 
revolution. Japan, however, is an exception in this point. The 
hereditary line of the first sovereign has never lost power, so that 
our Emperor has no family name, like the rulers of other countries- 
This is really very distinctive of our Empire. When we seek the 
cause of this, we may admit that the remarkable bravery and 
nobility of character of the first sovereign had a considerable 


influence ; but the main cause is found in the ancestor worship and 
the family system, which have been developed in a high degree in 
the small world of Japan. Why they have been so developed will 
be explained in the following divisions dealing with the influence of 
geographical features, and the assimilation of the constituent races. 
,8^, Besides these outward characteristics, there is an unseen power 
which accentuated the difference. This is no other than the strong 
belief of the nation in its sovereign and in the future of the country. 
In the beginning, when our country was first established, Amaterasu- 
o-Mikami, giving the Three Sacred Treasures to her grandson, said 
to him : " The glory of the sovereign power shall be as boundless 
as heaven and earth." This is really a prediction of the three 
thousand years of our history, and not even a child ever doubts 
the truth of the prophecy. Every nation has its own prophecies. 
Even though the greatest of all, perhaps, are those of the Jews, 
these are unequal to our prophecy, which refers to all time. 
3i;A prophetic utterance is an ideal, a hope ; it is, in reality, the 
expression of a firm faith. The ideal of the Japanese nation has 
been created by the great prophecy of the goddess, and it has 
become the belief of the nation, rooted deeply in the mind of the 
people. In other words, the ancestor worship of the Japanese 
nation was strengthened by this firm belief, and the belief in turn 
was greatly assisted by ancestor worship. It has found a moral 
embodiment in " Shinto " (God's Way), in the national system, the 
family system, and the unity of the Church and State. Thus in 
ancient Japan morality was religion, and religion was at the same 
time politics, so that Japanese society was perfectly harmonised, 
and the salutary unity in the minds of the people was emphasised 
and strengthened. One may almost regard the result as miraculous. 
Pascal, the great French thinker of the seventeenth century, said 
of human development : " The formal succession of human beings 
throughout the course of the ages must be regarded as a single 
individual man, continually living and continually learning." This 
has been realised in the Japanese Empire, for the Japanese people 
have worshipped their sovereign as a divine being, and regarded 
their country as the empire of a god. This faith has had the effect 
of -deepening the loyal and patriotic feelings in the minds of the 
people ; believing in the eternity of Empire and throne, Japanese 
society was solidly built up, with the Imperial family as its centre. 
The "Imperial Rescript on Education" and "The Imperial 
Edict of ipoSj" which were issued by the present Emperor, most 
clearly expound the national constitution, and are the creed of the 
Japanese people. We have no reason to doubt that these edicts 
will, though the period is so short since they were issued, become 


increasingly the basis of the people's faith, and be accepted as a 
powerful prophecy, just as is that of Amaterasu-6-Mikami. 

III. Geographical Conditions. Our country is an island surrounded 
by a vast ocean. Open a map and look at the position of our 
country and you will find in its situation, which lies in the farthest 
limit of the East, a likeness to that of England, which lies in the 
extreme boundary of the West If our country had not been 
isolated as it is, the bravery and wisdom of the Emperor Jimmu, the 
Empress Jingo, Kublai Khan, Genghis Khan or Toyotomi Hideyoshi 
might have given an even more remarkable character to our history, 
and put Japan in closer relation with the continent. There may 
be some disadvantage in this circumstance, yet this isolation is the 
evident reason why Japan is free from those struggles about 
boundaries and from the wars which harass an avaricious people. 

Intercourse with outsiders on the material side has thus been 
prevented, though intellectual intercourse has long been carried on 
across the sea ; and the foreign ideas which came into the country 
have strengthened the foundation of our civilisation. This, indeed, 
may be said to constitute the greatness of the Japanese people, that 
they, absorbing the neighbouring civilisations of the East along with 
their own, have fused them together and created the civilisation of 
the East. Why is Japan, and not India or China, the creator of 
this civilisation? There is no other reason except the special 
national conditions and the strong beliefs of the people. The 
blending of Eastern civilisation was the first step, and our country 
is beginning to take the second step, which is the blending of the 
civilisation of the East and the West. 

The area of our country is not large ; but the length of the 
coast-line in proportion to the area is unique. The mountains are 
all steep and lofty, and there is a great diversity from the foot to 
the summit, so that there are many different kinds of animals and 
plants. As there are many volcanoes, earthquakes are frequent ; 
yet not only do they do little damage, but, on the contrary, they 
contribute to the beauty of the scenery of the mountains and 
lakes, the best known of which are Mount Fuji and Lake Biwa. The 
rivers, being swift, offer little advantage for traffic ; but the scenery 
about them is charming, aquatic products are abundant, the water- 
power greatly benefits industry, and the abundance of water offers 
facilities for irrigation. Moreover, the plains along the rivers are 
generally fertile, and the deltas at the river-mouths are densely 
populated. The surrounding seas seldom freeze ; they are rich in 
various kinds of marine products, and the currents make the 
climate mild. There is, in consequence, abundant rain in Japan, 
and this greatly promotes the growth of vegetation. It goes without 



saying that this vegetation counts for much in the social economy. 
In short, these geographical circumstances have influenced the 
development of Japanese civilisation, and also made the people 
active, and inspired them with a worship of nature. It may be 
specially noted that the diversity of the climate, the currents which 
cause great humidity, and the many volcanoes and swift rivers, 
have made Japanese scenery remarkable for its beauty and grace. 
The people of Japan could not help being influenced by such 
an environment. It was almost inevitable that they should love 
cleanliness, be quick in action, cultivate a peaceful optimism along 
with the spirit of expansion, and thus stimulate progress and 
courage, and become a practical people. 

IV. The Nation. The question of the origin of the ancestors 
of the Yamato race has long been studied, and is not yet settled. 
As the difference of race is, however, not a radical difference, the 
question is not important. The only point to which special attention 
must be paid is the character of the races which actually make up 
the Japanese nation, since the chief influence in forming the nation 
must be ascribed to the peaceful history and the special geographical 
circumstances of our country. 

According to the inquiry made by the Japanese Government in 
the year 815 A.D., the Japanese people living in Ky5to in those 
days were divided into three sections : i. Kobetsu (Royal family), 
2. Shinbetsu (prehistoric family), 3. Banbetsu (naturalised subjects). 
Kobetsu is the Royal line which descends from the Emperor Jimmu ; 
Shinbetsu is the line which descends from the gods before the 
Emperor Jimmu's time ; and Banbetsu is the line of those who 
immigrated from other countries and were naturalised. This last 
class numbered one-third of the whole population of Kyoto. As 
this was more than a thousand years ago, Banbetsu must have pros- 
pered and increased in the meantime, and people of other nation- 
alities may have been naturalised, so that the Japanese people of the 
present day are greatly mixed in blood. The Japanese nation may 
be analysed briefly as follows : 

1. Yamato race 

2. People of the Stone 1 


Japanese/^. Kumaso Hayato 

5. Yezo (Ainu) 

6. Naturalised people 

from Corea, China, 
and other countries 

f Kobetsu 


(Grandson of Ama- 
1 terasu-6-Mikami. 
I Gods of Heaven. 
'Gods of Earth. 

nation \ 

\ Banbetsu. 


The question may be raised, why so many races are combined in 
the Japanese nation. A close scrutiny will discover that the cause 
lies in the firmness of the social structure, which did not permit 
immigration to cause any trouble to our early ancestors, and did not 
suffer immigrants to feel any inconvenience on the part of the Yamato 
race, but assimilated them all. One must also recollect the advan- 
tages offered by the geographical and economic conditions of our 
country. Moreover, the beneficence and generosity of the successive 
Emperors facilitated the assimilation of these naturalised people and 
made them genuine subjects of Japan. There is a ballad, sung in 
the reign of Emperor Tenchi, which may be roughly translated, 
" The fruit of the Tachibana orange grows on different branches, yet 
we can thread it on a single strand." This was sung in praise of 
the peaceful reign in which the naturalised people from Corea, 
though they differed in origin, were treated by the common sovereign 
in the same way as the original Japanese people. In later years, the 
poet Rai Sanyo sang as follows : " When one sees the charming 
spectacle of Miyoshino on a spring morning, where the dawning light 
falls on the cherry blossom, no matter whether he be a Chinese or 
of the Corean race, the Yamato spirit will be awakened in his heart." 
This song clearly expresses the spirit of the Japanese nation. The 
number of races in a country has much to do with its unity. If a 
country has only one race in it, the unity of the State and society is 
complete, as the ideas and customs of the people are all alike. On 
the other hand, if there are several races in a country, the foundation 
of the State cannot be solid, and the people will find it difficult to 
avoid struggles and confusion. In Japan, however, though there have 
been several races from the foundation of the country, the dignity and 
generosity of the Yamato race and the excellence of the natural 
conditions have led to a complete assimilation, and thus produced a 
perfect and genuine new race. Thus has arisen in the world a virile 
nation destined to play an important part in the history of the world. 

In addition to the accession of many immigrants, the population 
of Japan has itself greatly increased, and this has done much for the 
development of the country. There is an old saying to the effect 
that " Heaven favours mankind." This means that the reproductive 
power of the race is strong. Though the ancient statistics cannot be 
safely relied upon as a general rule, we may yet glance at a few 
figures from certain old books, and see the general trend of the 
increase of population in ancient, modern, and recent times. 


610 4,988,842 

982 -. 8,476,400 

1744 . , , , 25,680,000 

1872 33,110,000 

1908 .. ., ~ 


ni ,One can easily compare the rate of increase of the population of 
Japan with that of other countries by looking into any statistical 
year-book, and we shall not, therefore, go further into this subject. 
V. Conclusion. As we have stated, the national constitution, the 
geographical conditions, and the nature of the people which are 
the chief points of difference between Japan and other countries 
are the original causes of the peculiar development of Japan. The 
political, economic, and educational influences are no more than the 
external features of those essential agencies. And the only thing 
which explains all this is Japanese history, which is replete with 
loyalty and patriotism. The succeeding tides of civilisation came 
into our country from China and India, and had a great influence on 
the ideas of the Japanese, yet the original spirit of the people has 
never been changed, but has only been improved by them, and the 
three kinds of civilisation have made up the typical Eastern civili- 
sation. Recently, when the tide of European and American civili- 
sation poured in and mingled with the old ideal, Japan set herself 
the task of framing a new world-civilisation, and the old moral ideas 
and the new scientific ideas have already been blended and brought 
into harmony. This new civilisation is really the new Japanese 
civilisation. The so-called Yamato spirit, or the Bushido, is only 
the outcome of the power which has long been growing in the mind 
of the people. In analysing the nature of the Japanese people 
which has been formed in this way, one may assign the following 
elements : 

1. Nationalism. This may also be called patriotism. Patriotism 
and loyalty are the two radiant points in the nature of the Japanese 
people, and have really the predominant influence in the country. 
In some countries, it would seem, the relation of the sovereign to the 
people is a relation of strength to weakness, not a union of affection. 
In Japan, on the contrary, the national constitution is no more than 
a great family system, so that the relation between the sovereign 
and the subjects is just the same as that between father and sons. 
What is called individualism has no place in Japan. 

2. Ancestor Worship. Ancestor worship within the family tends 
to accentuate the love of the family name, pride of lineage, and hero 
worship. This spirit is one of the most essential influences in the 
formation of the Empire. Though in other countries ancestor 
worship gradually decays as civilisation advances, in Japan we find 
just the reverse tendency^ 

3. Love of Cleanliness. The Japanese people love not only the 
purity of the body, but also that of the heart. This idea is the 
pervading principle of Shinto. The love of beauty and glory is 
inspired also by this sentiment It is widely known that the 


Japanese bathe more frequently than the people of other nations, 
and that they are remarkable for cleanliness in daily life. 

4. Secularism. The Japanese believe that social happiness and 
all good fortune come from the gods. It is therefore the chief 
concern of their lives to pray to the gods for their protection. 
The practice of ancestor worship comes from this idea, and it also 
leads to the worship of the benefactors of the race. 

5. Optimism. While the Japanese adhere to secularism, they are 
at the same time optimistic. Their country is fertile, the climate 
mild, the scenery everywhere charming, so that there is nothing to 
engender the pessimistic feelings which one finds in some other 
countries. As a result, the Japanese have a strong sense of humour. 

6. Practicalness. That the Japanese are practical, and dislike 
fruitless speculation, may be gathered from the preceding paragraphs. 
In a country where there is much natural misfortune or oppression 
the people, in order to avoid bodily pain, seek comfort in the 
subjective life and indulge in dreamy thoughts. But in a country 
like Japan, where Nature is generous with her favours, time is not 
wasted in vain fancies ; the people think only of carrying out their 
duties of supporting themselves and maintaining order in the country. 

7. Love of Nature and Plants. The love of nature has certainly 
been inspired by the beauty of the country. In Japan one sees 
many vegetable products used in the making of food, dress, and 
dwellings. Most of the designs that are used in dress and other articles 
are taken from plants or flowers. The Japanese also love travel. 

8. Love of Simplicity. As the climate of Japan is bright and clear, 
one of the characteristics of the Japanese is simplicity. They are 
greatly lacking in subtleness and complexity. Their food, dress, and 
dwellings are all simple. Most of the people never eat meat, and are 
thus better able to cultivate simplicity. The interest of the Japanese 
in the tea-room is an excellent illustration of their love of simplicity. 

9. Love of Daintiness. The fact that Japan is a small island may 
have something to do with the people's love of small things. In 
literature and the fine arts they are very delicate. Their tea-rooms, 
gardens, and carvings are all small in design. It is much the same 
in all handiwork that is especially suited to the Japanese people. 

10. Love of Children. The climate being gentle, living easy, and 
the natural products abundant, the Japanese have many children. 
This has been the case from ancient times. A child is said to be a 
" treasure " in Japan. And all people, however poor they may be, 
bring up their many children with tenderness. 

11. The Spirit of Chivalry. The spirit of chivalry has exercised 
a very great influence on the mind of the Japanese ever since the 
foundation of the country. In feudal days this spirit was inculcated 


together with the spirit of loyalty. What is called Bushido is no 
other than this spirit of chivalry. 

12. Love of Courage. The Japanese are naturally courageous and 
active. This makes the Japanese face death fearlessly in war, and 
stand in its presence with calmness and composure. Dr. Baeltz 
has said that there is a feeling in every Japanese that makes little of 
life. This courage comes down from ancient days, and was fostered 
by Buddhism. 

13. Evolution. The Japanese are enamoured of progress, though 
they do not entertain the idea of sudden change or revolutions. In 
former days, when our ancestors built up the country, they controlled 
its development with great prudence. 

14. Value of Etiquette. The Japanese are very polite. There is 
a "strict etiquette and special code of behaviour for masters and 
servants, parents and children, brothers and sisters, and husbands 
and wives. Again, in daily speech and in letters there are many 
different titles of honour used. The ceremony of taking tea, or 
arranging flowers and other little accomplishments all aim at the 
cultivation of politeness. 

15. Love of Peace. The Japanese love gentleness and generosity. 
Bushido strongly discountenances forwardness, and forbids one to 
show one's courage unless there is some need for self-defence. They 
have a saying which means "The undrawn sword is a great 
honour." In feudal days the knights wore swords, but they regarded 
as cowards those who drew their swords without some grave cause. 
The Japanese always loved animals, and in later years, when 
Buddhism was introduced, the killing of animals was forbidden. 
Deeds akin to those of the Red Cross Society may be found in our 
military history of hundreds of years ago. In the battlefield it was 
never the main object of the Japanese to kill their enemies. Japanese 
history is full of beautiful stories in this connection. The cry of a 
Yellow Peril is surely due to ignorance of the national characteristics 
of our country. 

The above is only a brief account. Western civilisation with all 
its dignity and brilliance has still much to do before it can realise 
the dream of a perfect humanity ; and we venture to say that what 
is lacking in it may to some extent be supplied by the brighter 
features of the civilisation which three thousand years of experience 
have created in the life of this island nation of the Far East 


Issued 1890. 
M Know ye, Our subjects : 

" Our Imperial Ancestors have founded Our Empire on a basis broad and 
everlasting, and have deeply and firmly implanted virtue ; Our subjects ever united in 
loyalty and filial piety have from generation to generation illustrated the beauty there- 


of. This is the glory of the fundamental character of Our Empire, and herein also lies 
the source of Our education. Ye, Our subjects, be filial to your parents, affectionate to 
your brothers and sisters ; as husbands and wives be harmonious ; as friends true ; 
bear yourselves in modesty and moderation ; extend your benevolence to all ; pursue 
learning and cultivate arts, and thereby develop intellectual faculties and perfect moral 
powers ; furthermore, advance public good and promote common interests ; always 
respect the Constitution and observe the laws ; should emergency arise, offer yourselves 
courageously to the State ; and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial 
Throne, coeval with heaven and earth. So shall ye not only be Our good and faithful 
subjects, but render illustrious the best traditions of your forefathers. 

" The Way here set forth is indeed the teaching bequeathed by Our Imperial 
Ancestors, to be observed alike by Their Descendants and the subjects, infallible for 
all ages and true in all places. It is Our wish to lay it to heart in all reverence, in 
common with you, Our subjects, that we may all thus attain to the same virtue." 
[Paper submitted in English.] 



Lecturer on the Science of Religion in the Imperial University of 


As is well known, the Indo-European mode of thinking is pantheistic, 
both in religion and philosophy, and the idea of naturalistic pantheism 
culminates in " Natura sive Deus" to put it in Spinoza's words, and 
again, in the noted Buddhistic terminology, " Herbs, trees, and even 
minerals, are all to be the very Buddha." 

In ancient India, the pantheistic expression of thought was really 
traceable in the Vedic hymns dedicated to the gods Puru'sa and 
Aditi, and, therefore, also the Mundaka Upanishad says : " Fire is His 
head, His eyes sun and moon, His ears the regions of the sky, the 
revealed Veda is His voice, the wind His breath, the Universe His 
heart, from His feet is the earth." 

In Shintoism, the first germ of the pantheistic idea was already 
discernible even in its crude form of an animistic philosophy, when 
the Nihongi speaks of trees and herbs that have the faculty of speak- 
ing like men, and the Kojiki speaks of animals and vegetables all 
coming into being from the very body of the Goddess of Great Food ; 
for, from what is stated here we can easily get the following equation : 
The body of the Food-Goddess = natural beings. 

Let us illustrate this point by the following quotation from the 
text : " The Princess-of-Great-Food took out all sorts of dainty things 
from her nose, her mouth, and her fundament, and made them up 
into all sorts of (dishes), which she offered to him. But His-Swift- 
Impetuous-Male-Augustness (Susa-no-o-no-mikotoJ watched her pro- 
ceedings, considered that she was offering up to him filth, and at once 
killed the Deity Princess-of-Great-Food (O-getsu-hime-no-kami). So 


the things that were born in the body of the Deity who has been 
killed were as follows : in her head were born silkworms, in her two 
eyes was born millet, in her nose were born small beans, in her lower 
parts was born barley, in her fundament were born large beans " 
(Chamberlain, Kojiki, p. 70). 

We also read from the Nihongi as follows : " So he (Susa-no-o-no- 
mikoto) plucked out his beard and scattered it. Thereupon crypto- 
merias were produced. Moreover, he plucked out the hairs of his 
breast, which became Thuyas. The hairs of his buttocks became 
Podocarpi. The hairs of his eyebrows became camphor-trees " 
(Aston, Nihongi, vol. i. p. 58). 

In the cosmogonic myth of Japan, we find, strictly speaking, no 
creation, i.e., no creatio ex nihilo, but simply production or genera- 
tion, i.e., procreation or begetting. In the idea of creation, like in the 
Genesis of the Old Testament, the creator-deity is more or less higher 
than its creatures, and stands aloof from man and the world, just as 
the position of the master is somehow or other loftier than that of the 
servant or slave. On the contrary, if everything is produced from the 
body of God, and the procreator and the procreated are not different 
in the last analysis ; in other words, they are not different in kind, but 
differ only in degree, to put this in the Spinozistic terminology, God 
= natura naturans, the world = natura naturata, and Giordano Bruno 
called them implicatio and explicatio respectively. From such a point 
of view the procreation or generation of the world and men from the 
body of God is nothing but emanation true, a lower form of emana- 
tion in Japanese mythology though it is of a higher philosophical 
nature in the emanation-theory of the Neo- Platonic School. So, in 
like manner, in the story of Izanagi (male-god) and Izanami's (female 
god) begetting of the land, i.e., the world, we can trace an early form 
of pantheism in Japanese mythology. The description of the Nihongi 
on this point is as follows : " They (the above-mentioned male and 
female deities) next produced the sea, then the rivers, and then the 
mountains. They then produced kuku-no-chi, the ancestor of the 
trees, and kaya-no-hime. After this Izanagi-no-mikoto and Izanami- 
no-mikoto consulted together, saying : " We have now produced the 
Great-eight-island country, with the mountains, rivers, herbs, and 
trees" (Nihongi, vol. i. p. 18). Here we can distinctly see that there 
lies no great difference between cosmogony and theogony in such a 
naturalism as is embodied in original Shintoism. Moreover, to the 
ancient Japanese, serpents, wolves, tigers, crocodiles, and birds, e.g., 
the cormorant, the crow, &c., are all gods ; and men are also among 
the number. The Nihongi says : " In that land there were numerous 
Deities which shone with a lustre like that of flies, and evil Deities 
which buzzed like flies. There were also trees and herbs, all of which 


could speak " (vol. i. p. 64). Such an animistic view of Nature as that 
cultivated among the ancient Japanese easily leads to a crude 
naturalistic pantheism ; hence we are little surprised to hear that the 
pantheistic Mahayana Buddhism easily conquered Shintoism, and 
both religions were at last completely amalgamated with each other 
in this land of the Rising Sun ; for, in so far as both religions are of a 
pantheistic nature, original Shintoism may be considered as the 
aboriginal forerunner of Buddhism at its early stage of nature-religion 
in this country, and vice versa the pantheistic Mahayana Buddhism 
partly introduced into and partly developed here in Japan the natural 
consummation of Shintoism or the way of the Gods, when the general 
culture of the people reached the high stage of ethico-spiritualistic 
religion. And the completion of such a religious amalgamation is, 
in my opinion, due partly to the comprehensive nature of the 
Greater Vehicle of Buddhism and partly to the original tolerant 
spirit already existing in the naturalistic pantheism of original 

[Paper submitted in English.] 

r(1 in 

Dr. Eiza Tevfik's Paper on "Turkey" will be found in the 


fe*'.*fi>h},b rfii rmm lib ,nv//>i> vlifiufri^ w 

rb MM! '* oa atfiofatrj Nr 

. c;., '.\horf -xll no fjvjovf; lUrk -o/;-^ lK?.it>vinu lo 

OJ -..p. 


The sons of Adam are members of one body ; 
For they are made of one and the same nature ; 
When Fortune brings distress upon one member, 
The peace of all the others is destroyed. 
O thou, who art careless of thy fellow's grief, 
It fits not thou should'st bear the name of man. 

* * -* 


THE ancient nation which has played so glorious a part on the 
stage of the world's history, which for centuries has charmed 
humanity by the penetration of its philosophic teaching and the 
delicacy of its poetic feeling, which has yielded up the buried records 
of its long past to give lustre to the greatest museums in the world 
that nation, I say, now adding new aspirations to its old glories, 
comes to-day, strong in its honour and the indisputable right of 
antiquity, before a Congress which is one of the most honourable 
that the world has ever seen. 


The gaze of the world's thinkers is focussed to-day upon this 
radiating centre, where all the great nations will gather for mutual 
understanding. Never before has such a gathering been possible. 
Indeed, what greater success could be imagined than that of an 
interracial Congress destined to link all thinkers in the strong 
bonds of friendship, inviting each nation to transcend its limitations 
of national feeling and reach out towards an infinite space whose 
limits shall be only those of humanity itself; so that under the 
influence of this high teaching the spirit of man may no longer 
erect a barrier between Eastern and Western, Asiatic and European, 
the nations of the New World and the nations of Africa, but may 
realise that the child is equally unable to endure hunger whether 
he hail from East or West, that wounds are painful alike to 
European and African, that the Asiatic no less than the American 
mother is heart-broken by the death of a child. Thus as the 
clinging to old customs grows less obstinate and the nations are 
cleansed of that fanaticism which is so unnecessary to the human 
spirit and so prolific a source of discord, it will be possible to bring 
in the radiant era of a new morality which looks on all men as 
members of one common body, as an integral part of one single 
Whole, as different renderings of one and the same Original : from 
affinity of thought and solidarity of international relations a feeling 
of oneness will gradually dawn, till from the darkness of our blood- 
thirsty customs so much nearer the brute than the human the 
sun of universal peace shall appear on the horizon of the nations 
and the differences which will continue to arise in this world shall 
be easily settled before the tribunal of peace-loving consciences. 

It is, of course, true that just as the evolution of matter requires 
long ages to reach perfection, so the progress of moral principles 
will require endless time before the final goal of a universal morality 
can be attained. Still the day will certainly arrive when interna- 
tional friendship will pave the way for an association of mankind 
under simple conditions in which superfluities have no place. And 
once this is so, then human nature, beautiful in simplicity and 
endowed with a new power of magnetic attraction, will draw the 
scattered atoms of humanity together into one single body. And 
the final achievement of human thought will be the clear setting 
forth of that unity which is at the heart of the universe. How can 
this truth admit of doubt ? We know, on the one hand, that the 
Whole possesses in itself the properties of its parts ; we see, on the 
other, that little children, before they are taught to appreciate the 
usefulness of association, act in opposition to each other so that 
their intercourse does harm rather than good ; while, later on, under 
the beneficial influence of education, their activities furnish them 


with opportunities of friendly competition. Why, then, should we 
not believe that similarly a day will dawn when humanity, governed 
by a higher morality than it has yet known, will turn towards this 
ideal of a well-regulated and friendly life ? 

Why should we not believe that some day those discords, which 
are the result of an imperfect moral education, will die out, that 
the clouds of ignorance will roll away, and the union of mankind 
be consummated in all its brightness and splendour? 

And on that day the nations will be members of one and the 
same great family and the earth will be their one big home. 

Origin of the Persians. It cannot be made matter of reproach 
to the Persian people that they have no exact knowledge of their 
national history, for a nation whose historical documents have been 
more than once committed to the flames could not know its past 
any better than they know theirs. Happily, however, though the 
history written on papyrus or parchment has been entirely destroyed, 
yet the history engraved upon stones (Takhte" Djemchide, Taghe* 
Boustan, &c.) and the evidence obtained through excavations at 
Susa, Nineveh, and Babylon are still left to us. The records pre- 
served in the Memoirs of the Ancestors were collected in the 
eleventh century by Firdousi in his " Book of Kings." And apart 
from such references as are found in the Sacred Writings, there 
are famous Greek historians, such as Herodotus, Xenophon, and 
Ctesias who have left behind them all the valuable documentary 
evidence that they could find relating to this epoch. 

Still, as historians hold very different opinions concerning the 
origin, the branches and the cradle of the Iranian race, we leave the 
study of these problems to the investigation of specialists. We can, 
however, affirm that it is a race which has played a very important 
part in the formation of other races, and if it cannot be regarded as 
the mother of them all, it can at least, and with a high degree of 
certainty, be looked upon as their sister. We can consider them as 
branches of one and the same stock. The Persians of to-day will 
therefore be very happy if, after long centuries of separation from 
their ancient kinsfolk, they can again cement the broken ties and 
strengthen them from day to day. 

Customs and Habits of the Persians. History shows us that the 
natural customs of the Persian race were good. " The Persians," 
thus some famous Orientalists have remarked, " imparted their good 
customs not only to nations with whom they were at peace, but even 
to those who effected the conquest of their country." Still it must 
be allowed that various corrupting influences have been at work : 
the fusion with other races ; the formation of different kingdoms ; 
above all, the invasions to which this country has been subject, 



whether of foreign foes or of barbarous hordes who ravaged the land 
on their way to invade Europe ; and lastly, the semi-feudal system of 
government which has been in force for centuries all these factors 
have acted disastrously on the customs of the Persians and prevented 
them from concerning themselves, as they might have done, with the 
development of their civic responsibilities. Bad government has also 
had a nefarious influence. Members of the Court, knowing that they 
could only attain their personal ends by sowing discord among the 
different sections of the nation, showed unwearying persistence in 
the pursuit of this policy, the result of which could not be other than 
intestine strife. 

1 ' U: 'And yet an attentive survey of Persian customs will soon show 
that these evil influences have not really permeated all classes in the 
nation, but have acted solely upon those classes which have been 
more particularly exposed to them. If, then, during these last cen- 
turies in which the light of a new civilisation has been shed abroad 
upon the world, the Persians have failed to keep abreast with the 
progressive movement and turn it to real advantage, it is because 
they had had insufficient opportunities of intercourse with European 
nations, and were, consequently, not in a position to familiarise 
themselves with European customs. This lack of intercourse was 
due to the following causes : 

bn;; I; The despotic Persian Government considered that international 
relationships and, consequently, the awakening of the nation to a 
knowledge of its lawful rights were prejudicial to Government 
interests. Now the Persian religion itself teaches that Government 
can only be lawful when it rests its claim on the justice of the 
sovereign and the free consent of the nation. Since the despotic 
Government did not, as a rule, comply with these two conditions and 
was therefore fearful of popular risings and threatened by the opposi- 
tion of the true representatives of religion, it found itself in a 
somewhat precarious position. This is why it had fostered the 
growth of a clerical party with a view to weakening religion and 
preventing a general uprising. This party, acting in concert with the 
Government, kept the people in a slavish condition of perpetual 
degradation and profound ignorance. It further opposed the 
establishment of good relations with other nations and the study of 
their language and history on the false assumption that these things 
were contrary to the teaching of Islam. Islam, in reality, had never 
countenanced such views ; but the general public, misled by false 
interpretations, were ignorant of the real truths of religion. 

2. If the Europeans who visited Persia were official personages, 
they contented themselves with the accomplishment of their mission, 
and never became intimate with us in a manner calculated to enlist 


our sympathies. On the contrary, some of them were made so con- 
scious of their own power by the weakness of our Government that 
their behaviour was such as to excite a general, though smothered, 
indignation. If, on the other hand, they were tourists, the religious 
considerations referred to above prevented them from entering our 
homes and becoming acquainted with our real customs. Thus the 
descriptions they afterwards gave of their journey were sometimes 
superficial and in many respects very far from true. For the most 
part their writings were an indictment brought against the Persian 
nation rather than the description of its customs or the story of 
its national life ; and so far as any echo of them reached Persia, 
it could tend only to increase the hatred already felt and incline 
the Persians to believe that all Europeans alike judged them after 
the same manner. 

3. If the Shah or people of the upper classes travelled in Europe, 
they brought considerable pecuniary loss upon their nation, while yet 
contributing nothing to the principle of international friendship. 
Finally, if the Persians who travelled in Europe belonged to the 
student class, then, through lack either of proper guidance or of a 
clear vision of their future, they were drawn into the giddy pursuit of 
pleasure instead of concentrating themselves on study, and when 
they returned to their own country they unhappily behaved in such a 
manner as to alienate the sympathy of their countrymen who credited 
them with possessing Western habits. There have been, however, a 
few ambassadors and important personages of some enlightenment, 
and likewise a few students, who have brought back from their 
European travels contributions worthy of appreciation : such persons 
have understood how to bring the laws of European nations into 
touch with the principles of Moslem civilisation, how to spread and 
foster among the Persians anything that had seemed to them praise- 
worthy in European customs, and finally how to awaken in them the 
sense of international relationship. 

4. The cause which more than any other has hindered us from 
seeking friendly relations with Western peoples is that, wedged in 
as we are between two powerful neighbours, our impressions of 
European civilisation have often been associated with unpleasant 
political experiences, a circumstance which has naturally given rise to 

France, however, and the United States have helped, if only 
slightly, to diminish, this mistrust, the former by means of books and 
papers which have furthered the development of scientific ideas, the 
latter by charitable enterprises, such as the foundation of hospitals 
and schools and the distribution of help to the needy during times of 


The Persians have no natural prejudice against the establishment 
of friendship and a good understanding with civilised nations. Nor 
is there anything in their customs and habits which would prevent 
their taking a part in international affairs ; for their religious prin- 
ciples, which have more influence than any other factor in determining 
the standpoint of the general public, are all in favour of democracy, 
and nullify the advantages of hereditary nobility. " Great and small, 
noble and plebeian," said the Prophet, "shall be equals among you." 
Religion, moreover, lays stress on the need for developing civic 
responsibility : " Let each one of you share in the direction of public 
affairs," said Mahomet, " and every one who thus directs is responsible." 
It lays down the principle that the Government should be assisted by 
a deliberative assembly : " They consulted together regarding their 
social affairs " (Koran, Surat 243, verse 36). 

The religion of the Persians makes monotheism essentially cos- 
mopolitan, and calls for universal peace among its disciples to whatever 
nationality they may belong : " O followers of the Scriptures, come 
hearken to this one saying : that all may be equal between us and 
you, let us agree together to worship only the one God and put naught 
else on a level with Him " (Koran, Surat 3, verse 57). 

It declares the equality of all men, calling to mind that they 
are all children of the same father and the same mother and that only 
virtue can give to one man preference over his fellow : " O men, we 
have created you of one man and one woman ; we have distributed 
you in tribes and families to the end that you may know one 
another. The worthiest before God is that man from among you who 
is most virtuous" (Koran, Surat , verse 13). 

And lastly, it stands for religious freedom : " Let there be no 
constraint in religion" (Koran, Surat 2, verse 257). In such prin- 
ciples as these there is, then, nothing which could deter men from 
entering into international relationships. 

And here it may not be irrelevant to mention that the number 
of religious sects in Persia was often due to political causes. For 
natural conditions, combined with difficulty of communication, 
tended to isolate our great thinkers, making intercourse and inter- 
change of ideas impossible to them. Thus each propagated his own 
ideas separately, without knowing what other people were thinking, 
and clothed them moreover in a religious garb, because that is the 
form in which ideas always make the widest and most influential 
appeal to the Persian people. 

Again, with regard to the position of women in Persia : the 
fact that they must go about veiled, is no obstacle in the path 
of progress. For in this matter one thing is certain : the rule 
about veiling applies to parts of the body other than the face and 


hands. Moreover, in the villages and among the tribes, the women, 
far from veiling themselves, go about with face uncovered, live a 
simple, natural life, help to bear the burdens of the men, taking their 
part even in the hardest toil and engaging in industrial occupations 
which often yield very valuable wares, such as carpets, &c. In 
the towns, the women, though veiled, are by no means unacquainted 
with household routine and the education of children. They also 
understand manual occupations which are productive of fine and 
costly merchandise. And, above all, a new horizon, has latterly been 
opened to them through the establishment of private schools for girls 
and special educational classes for women. 

To turn to another point of view, the softness and subtlety of the 
Persian language may help to develop and strengthen still further 
our relations with Western nations. As a matter of fact, Europeans 
even have learnt to appreciate Persian literature, alike the works of 
our most famous poets and the translations of certain among them, 
such as Firdousi, Molevi (Mollahi Roumi), Omar Kayyam, Sadi, 
Hafiz, and others, into Western languages. Moreover, as it is impos- 
sible to bring out in a translation the literary subtleties of the original, 
those Europeans who have had a special bent for Orientalism have 
felt the need of a thorough study of Persian literature, and they have 
been led to introduce the teaching of Persian into certain European 
schools a fact which has tended to strengthen our relations with 

At this point I feel compelled to allude to the history of the Per- 
sian language and its transformation through the incorporation of 
Arabic. After the conquest of Persia by the Arabs, our language was 
for more than two centuries almost suppressed by the tongue of the 
conquerors, and when at last there was an attempt to free it from this 
domination, it was found to be already interspersed with Arabic 
words. The Persian scholars rather tended to encourage the ad- 
mixture ; for Arabic, as being the language of their religion, was 
held in honour and cultivated by them even in preference to their 
mother-tongue. This is why they chose the language of the Koran 
for many treatises on science and morals which to-day are regarded as 
Arabic works. To convince oneself of this, it is only necessary to 
read the works of the following authors : Sibeveyh, the author of 
Alketab, the best Arabic grammar ; the philosopher Pharabi ; the 
medico-philosopher Ibne Sina (Avicenna); the philosopher Abou Ali 
Maskoveyh ; the medical doctor Mohamed Zakarya ; the mathema- 
tician who was also a philosopher and jurist, Khadj6 Nassir-ed-Din ; 
Omar Kayyam ; and others. 

Here we may fitly quote some verses by the great poets which 
breathe humanitarian and inter-racial sentiments : 


Firdousi. " Cause not suffering to the ant as she drags the grain along ; for 
she lives and life is a thing both sweet and fair." 

Sadi. " The sons of Adam are members of one body ; for they are made 
of one and the same nature; when Fortune brings distress upon one member, 
the peace of all the others is destroyed. O thou, who art careless of thy 
fellow's grief, it fits not thou shouldst bear the name of man." 

Mollahi Roumi. "Solomon, king of the animals, use thy wisdom and thy 
divine patience to charm alike all birds, the weak no less than the strong." 

Idem. "Thou art sent to preach union and not to sow discord." 

Sanat. " What matter whether the language be Arabic or Syriac, if so be 
it express the truth ? What matter whether the place be east or west, if only 
God be worshipped there?" 1 

Hafiz. " Thy beauty united with thy gentleness hath conquered the world. 
Of a truth, it is by union that the world can be conquered." 

Omar Kayyam. " If there be no rosary, no pray ing- carpet, no Sheikh 
yet the church-bell and the priest's cross would suffice to guide thy con- 

Orft. " So behave towards thy fellow-men, O Orfi, that after thy death the 
Mussulman may bathe thee with the holy water of Kaaba and the Hindu 
burn thee in his sacred fire." 

Achegh. " Thou has read the Koran, Achegh, and thou knowest the verse, 
' Eynema tawallou.' a When then the gates of Kaaba are closed, go worship 
the Eternal in the Church." 

Hatef. "In the Church I said to the fair Christian: 'Thou who delightest 
my heart, explain to me the meaning of the Trinity. How can three per- 
sonalities (Father, Son, and Holy Ghost) be ascribed to the one God?' She 
replied, with a sweet smile : ' Not thus wouldst thou have spoken hadst thou 
understood the mystery of Unity. The Eternal has shown His face in three 
mirrors. He does not become three if thou callest Him by three names.' 
Meantime the bell chimed out. It seemed to say : ' He is unique ; He is 
alone ; there is one only God.' " 

Again, the attitude of mind observable among the Persians of 
to-day would seem to augur well for the future. Conscious of 
their own weakness and backwardness as regards modern science 
and progress, they feel they must follow in the wake of other 
nations and make up, if possible, for time lost. This is undoubtedly 
the first step towards progress. With the help, then, of clever 
engineers and foreign capital, they will try to remove the natural 
obstacles which at present tend to split up their national life ; to 
lessen the great distances between their towns by means of rail- 
roads ; to utilise wasted sources of water supply (such as the waters 
of Avaz) ; to fertilise rich tracts of soil at present uncultivated ; 
and to make hives of the villages by means of the nomad tribes 
who are a considerable force in the country. Further, they will 
develop their intellectual relations with the West by inviting pro- 
fessors from Europe and sending students thither, by encouraging 

1 Here there is the expression u Djabolsa, Djabolga," two famous mythological 
towns in the East. 

" The East and the West belong to God : whithersoever your glance be turned, 
you will meet His face" (Koran, Surat 2, verse 109). 


the translation of books, and by giving lectures on moral and 
scientific subjects. 

We are in a position to state that of late years notably since 
the change of regime public education and journalism have made 
considerable strides. Let us add that to-day the people are insistently 
demanding the aid of advisers from neutral European countries, for 
they understand that the realisation of their hopes is dependent, in 
large measure, on orderly administration. The careful organisation 
of the Customs during the last nine years has been a great help in 
developing international commerce. Statistics show that imports 
have increased by 50 per cent., and exports by 140 per cent. 

Finally, let us say that, sensible of the advantages that will accrue 
to us, morally and materially, from commercial relations with Europe 
we are pursuing the policy of the " open door," though unhappily the 
Russian Government strongly opposes this policy by imposing heavy 
duties. There is, however, one little breach in this barrier : I refer to 
the system of parcel-post which has sensibly increased the traffic 
between Persia and Europe. And if this barrier could be altogether 
removed, or even if the duties on traffic could be made less heavy, a 
day of happiness would dawn for all Persia, for on the one hand she 
would be able to procure better and cheaper wares, and, on the other, 
develop her material and moral relations with European countries. 

The Change of Regime in Persia and its Causes. For a long 
time all the enlightened members of the Persian nation and those 
who favoured reform blamed the bad Government of the country for 
its backward state and its powerlessness in the grip of political forces 
to the north and south. During this period all who were longing to 
see the resurrection of their country devoted themselves to impressing 
on the people a real knowledge of their sufferings and their sad 
condition, and laboured to secure a progressive evolution of the 
governmental system. But their efforts were not crowned with 
success, and this for two reasons : in the first place, the despotic 
Government had found a powerful ally in the clerical party, who helped 
to stifle every attempt at liberal expansion by using religion as a pretext 
and treating with suspicion and denunciation all those who showed 
themselves accessible to ideas of reform. This policy was still 
further encouraged by what proved to be a disastrous event for the 
reformers, namely, the appearance of Babism whose adherents were 
considered to be worthy of death. For under the arbitrary regime, 
few people dared to criticise the proceedings of the Government, and 
those who made the venture were accused of Babism. Secondly, the 
people, though suffering from the abuses of the Court, had not yet 
become so exasperated as to encourage and support the movements 
of the reformers. Thus, the Government dragged on a miserable 


existence under the shelter of its crooked policy : the people, growing 
accustomed to their scanty and ever-diminishing resources, continued 
in their age-long torpor, and slumbered without thought of the 

Such was the condition of affairs when the Imperial Bank (the concession 
for which had been granted on January 30, 1889), together with the newly founded 
foreign commercial houses, took the commercial and financial market right out 
of the hands of the native merchants and bankers, and monopolised it for their 
own advantage. The circulation of gold coin diminished ; statistics showed a 
great disproportion between exports and imports. Foreign wares lowered the 
value of home products, and consequently a number of workmen were thrown 
out of employment. While resources were diminishing living became steadily 
dearer. Trade was languishing, and, as a crowning misfortune, the peasants 
grew poorer daily and the Treasury was empty. 

In spite of everything, Nassred-din Chah, who had had a long reign and 
enjoyed great personal prestige as well as a wide experience, succeeded in 
covering up the true state of affairs with an outer varnish of order and security. 
He even succeeded in deceiving his immediate following, pretending that he 
had set up a special treasury in his private palace and every now and then 
caused small quantities of gold to be added to it. He contrived to spread 
abroad the supposition that the State Funds had been removed to the palace. 
With the exception of a few favourites, no one knew the real condition of the 
private treasury. 

Nasser-ed-Din maintained stability in home affairs by sowing discord and 
rivalry among the powerful men of the kingdom. He compensated himself for 
his lack of money by exacting large sums as presents froji the governors and 
seizing a part of the property of rich men who died. He secured his position 
with regard to foreign powers by secretly fomenting rivalry between his 
northern and southern neighbours and using every possible means to win their 
good graces. In a word, the existence of Nasser-ed-Din presented a formidable 
obstacle to the realisation of the dearest hopes of the progressive party. Thus, 
after his assassination (May i, 1896) there was a general reawakening from 
lethargy and a manifestation of tendencies which had till then lain dormant. 

His successor, Mozaffer-ed-Din Chah, a man of good-natured disposition and 
uncertain health, neither would nor could follow the political example of his 
father. Other factors also contributed to bring about a change of policy ; the 
instinctive aversion of the new ruler to the encouragement of the so-called 
clergy, the pressing needs of the age, the awakening of the national spirit, and 
the temporary accession to power of certain progressive dignitaries. Thus, 
thanks to the energy of those who were working for reform, the people began to 
enjoy educational advantages of which they had been hitherto deprived, and 
there was a noteworthy advance in intellectual development. New ideas were 
encouraged ; freedom of the press and the right of free speech were in part 
secured. On the other hand, as the financial crisis became more acute, two 
loans were negotiated in Russia (1900 and 1902) on onerous political conditions. 
But by reason of the bad system of government and the carelessness of those 
responsible, the money raised by these loans was squandered and spent without 
result. Moreover, the Russian Bank for Loans (the concession for which was 
granted on May 3, 1890) swallowed up the greater part of the goods of the 
population and the credit of the merchants. 

This being the state of affairs, the progressive party, convinced though they 
had been of the necessity for first training up enlightened men who should be 
capable of tackling the work of purifying and reforming the system of govern- 


ment, now found themselves confronted with exceptional circumstances which 
forced their hand and compelled them to act at once, quite contrary to their 
original intentions. 

The approaching death of Mozaffer-ed-Din Chah, and the prospect of his 
being succeeded by Mohamed Ali Chah, whose character and bad administration 
were of no good augury the financial crisis and the general poverty, the depres- 
sion of trade, the anxiety of the people about the condition of the State Treasury, 
the tyranny of the Court all these considerations, combined with regard for 
tranquillity at home and abroad, were the decisive factors which precipitated 
events and caused the new regime to be set up before the ground was ready to 
receive it. As the lower classes were not yet sufficiently enlightened to under- 
stand the remedy for their own ills, it was consequently the educated people of 
the upper class who put themselves at the head of the new movement and 
piloted the ship to harbour the people to the realisation of their desires. 

Thus was the system of government changed and the new regime inaugurated 
(August 5, 1906), and shortly afterwards Mozaffer-ed-Din Chah died (January 8, 

These events coincided with the reversal of foreign policy in Persia, and she 
found herself rid of the inconveniences of her neighbours' rivalry only to be 
more harassed by their concerted action. 

In a word, as a consequence of the defective equipment of the public authori- 
ties and the animosity and ill-will of Mohamed Ali Chah towards the young 
Parliament, there ensued a long and painful series of conflicts, culminating in 
the bombardment and destruction of this Assembly (June 23, 1908). Nevertheless, 
a group of courageous patriots, among whom Sattar Khan was the central heroic 
figure, helped by nationalists from every country, kept up a bold resistance to 
the despotism. Moreover, the true spiritual leaders of the people, who under 
these circumstances judged it necessary to interfere in the political arena, for- 
bade the payment of taxes to the Government of Mohamed Ali Chah. At the 
cost of great sacrifice, the nationalist forces reassembled, attacked and took 
Teheran. Mahomed Ali was dethroned on July 16, 1909, and Sultan Ahmed Chah 
succeeded him. Parliament reopened on November 15, 1909. 

At this point it becomes necessary for me to recapitulate briefly 
the statements I made at the outset, and to emphasise once again the 
main purport of this paper. I refer to the alleged xenophobia of 
which the Persians are accused in some quarters. The allegation 
may be at the same time confirmed and denied. It may be a 
confirmation when we observe that the influence and spread of 
European civilisation in our country have been tainted with political 
implications, and have thus given rise to public suspicion. On the 
other hand, a categorical denial may be offered in the sense that 
there is not, and never has been, among our people any natural 
hostility to Europeans, who are, after all, of one and the same race 
with ourselves. And since we are aware that we owe the advent of 
the new era to philosophic ideas and that, to possess reality and 
fruitfulness, it must have the practical advantages of European life, 
such as railways, factories, &c., we are therefore very anxious to avail 
ourselves of European help and skill by granting concessions that 
may be useful to those States and nations who have no political 
designs upon us, allowing them to profit by our resources and the 


natural riches of our country. We desire to attract foreign capital so 
far as it does not imply political interference, to the end that we may 
develop and strengthen our country and look forward with confidence 
to the future as we enter on that path of happiness and prosperity 
which our sister-nations are enjoying. 

I may conclude with the statement that the Persians are con- 
vinced that there is nothing more profitable for their future welfare 
than commerce and contact with other countries and the cementing 
of international relations intellectual, commercial, and economic. 
They are, moreover, prepared, by every means in their power, to 
welcome the material and moral help of foreign countries, provided 
only that it be free from all political implications. 

{Paper submitted in Persian and in French.] 


[A CONGRESS designed to bring about a fuller understanding between the 
peoples of East and West would be incomplete without an account of the 
Bahai Movement. In 1844 there appeared at Shiraz, in Persia, a youth, Sayyid 
Ali Muhammad by name, who proclaimed himself the herald of a great 
spiritual teacher to come. Sayyid Ali Muhammad, known to his followers as the 
Bab (Gate), soon became renowned throughout Persia for his eloquence and 
zeal. In 1850 he was shot at Tabriz by order of the Government, who regarded 
him as a dangerous disturber of the peace. The movement for religious and 
social reform initiated by the Bab continued, however, to grow rapidly. 

In the early sixties a Persian nobleman, known hereafter as Baha'u'llah, 
proclaimed himself to some of his adherents as the Teacher whose appear- 
ance had been prophesied by the Bab. His personality attracted multitudes 
throughout Persia, including the majority of those who had followed his 
forerunner. He wrote that God had made all men as the drops of one sea 
and the leaves of one tree, that all races of mankind were pure, and should 
work in harmony together. He foresaw a time when unity would be estab- 
lished between all races and creeds. " Have noble thoughts, healthy morals, 
and hygienic habits," he says. "Be examples to guide all mankind towards 
its regeneration, and toward the peace of the whole world ! . . . Let not a 
man glory so in this, that he loves his country. Let him rather glory in this, 
that he loves his kind ! These ruinous wars, these fruitless strifes must cease ; 
and the Most Great Peace shall come." 

The followers of this movement underwent a bloody persecution at the 
hands of the orthodox Moslems, the martyrs numbering above 20,000. 

In 1867 Baha'u'llah sent a letter to the Pope, to Queen Victoria, and to 
other crowned heads of Europe, calling upon the nations to put down their 
armaments and to cause a conference of the Governments to be held. The 
letters are matters of history. 

The Persian Government, fearing the effect of Baha'u'llah's growing 
influence, exiled him first to Adrianople, and finally, in 1868, by an arrangement 
with the Turkish authorities, incarcerated him in the fortress city of Acre on 
the Syrian coast During his exile he wrote many books, and his influence as 
a spiritual teacher continued to grow. His principal works are Hidden Words 


and the Kiiab-i-Akdas. Baha'u'llah, before his death in 1892, instructed his 
eldest son, Abbas Effendi, to continue his work and expound his writings. He 
is widely known by the name of Abdu'l Baha Abbas (i.e., Abbas the Servant of 
Baha). 1 He remained in confinement at Acre until 1908, when he was released 
under the Young Turkish Constitution. Since then 'Abdu'l Baha has lived at 
Haifa, on Mount Carmel. 

This movement is not to be regarded as a new religion. Rather . is it a 
world-wide recognition of the underlying unity of religions and peoples, and of 
the ideals of international peace and good-will. It teaches the equality of the 
sexes, the duty of every one to serve the community, and the duty of the com- 
munity to give opportunity for such service urging men of all religions to live 
out their faith in unity with their fellow-men and show that behind all ex- 
pressions of creed there is v one religion and one God. 

Abdu'l Baha, now sixty-seven years of age, has written many letters and 
tablets explaining the teaching referred to above. The present writer recently 
had the privilege of seeing him in Egypt, where he met at his table represen- 
tatives of the great world faiths Christians, Jews, Moslems, Buddhists, 

It is estimated that in Persia alone there are at least two million Bahais. 
The total number throughout the world must be very considerable (in the 
United States alone there are several thousand). 

Probably about two-thirds of the avowed Bahais are drawn from the 
Mahomedan world, the remaining third belonging to other great world faiths. 

Abdu'l Baha sends the following letter, conveying his greetings to the 
Congress. It will be noted that the unification of Races is not intended to 
mean the suppression of their different characteristics in order that they may 
be blended into one, but would imply that these very differences are necessary 
to constitute a harmonious whole, and that the duty of this Age is to recognise the 
possibilities of development within each race in order that, in a spirit of love, man- 
kind the world over may co-operate in working for Universal Peace. W. T. P.] 
bm: '3;i/T.i if<Mlz fjius >.i >fl.N> Jiiaruid yjKfn vt?dj v/ud %m>'r:, ; rii :>-:! v ..'H 



When in travelling about the world we observe an air of 
prosperity in any country, we find it to be due to the existence 
of love and friendship among the people. If, on the contrary, all 
seems depressed and poverty-stricken, we may feel assured that 
this is the effect of animosity, and of the absence of union among 
the inhabitants. 

Notwithstanding that such a state of things is obvious to the 
passing traveller, how often the people themselves continue in the 
sleep of negligence, or occupy themselves in disputes and differences, 
and are even ready to slaughter their fellow-men ! 

Consider thoughtfully the continual integration and disintegration 
of the phenomenal universe. . . . Unification and constructive com- 
bination is the cause of Life. Disunion of particles brings about 
loss, weakness, dispersion, and decay. 

1 Baha (Arabic), "The Ineffable Splendour." 


Consider the varieties of flowers in a garden. They seem but to 
enhance the loveliness of each other. When differences of colour, 
ideas, and character are found in the human Kingdom, and come 
under the control of the power of Unity, they too show their essential 
beauty and perfection. 

Rivalry between the different races of mankind was first caused 
by the struggle for existence among the wild animals. This struggle 
is no longer necessary : nay, rather ! interdependence and co-oper- 
ation are seen to produce the highest welfare in nations. The 
struggle that now continues is caused by prejudice and bigotry. 

To-day nothing but the power of the Divine Word, which 
embraces the Reality of all things, can draw together the minds, 
hearts, and spirits of the world under the shadow of the heavenly 
Tree of Unity. 

The Light of the Word is now shining on all horizons. Races 
and nations, with their different creeds, are coming under the 
influence of the Word of Unity in love and in peace. 

The Blessed One, Baha'u'llah, likens the existing world to a 
tree, and the people to its fruits, blossoms, and leaves. All 
should be fresh and vigorous, the attainment of their beauty and 
proportion depending on the love and unity with which they sustain 
each other and seek the Life eternal. The friends of God should 
become the manifestors in this world of this mercy and love. They 
should not dwell on the shortcomings of others. Ceaselessly should 
they be thinking how they may benefit others and show service and 
co-operation. Thus should they regard every stranger, putting aside 
such prejudices and superstitions as might prevent friendly 

To-day the noblest person is he who bestows upon his enemy 
the pearl of generosity, and is a beacon -light to the misguided and 
the oppressed. This is the command of Baha'u'llah. 

O dear friends ! the world is in a warlike condition, and its races 
are hostile one to the other. The darkness of difference surrounds 
them, and the light of kindness grows dim. The foundations of 
society are destroyed and the banners of life and joy are overthrown. 
The leaders of the people seem to glory in the shedding of blood 
Friendship, straightness, and truthfulness are despised. . . '..' 

The call to arbitration, to peace, to love, and to loyalty is the 
call of Baha'u'llah. His standard floats since fifty years, summoning 
all of whatever race and creed. 

O ye friends of God ! acknowledge this pure light ; direct the 
people who are in ignorance, chanting the melodies of the Kingdom 
of God, until the dead body of mankind quickens with a new 


Guide the people of God. Inspire them to emulate the lives of 
the holy ones who have gone before. Be ye kind in reality, not 
in appearance only. Be ye fathers to the orphans, a remedy to 
the sick, a treasury of wealth to the poor, a protector of the 

Where love dwells, there is light ! Where animosity dwells, there 
is darkness ! 

O friends of God ! strive to dissipate the darkness and reveal the 
hidden meanings of things, until their Reality becomes clear and 
established in the sight of all. 

This Congress is one of the greatest of events. It will be for 
ever to the glory of England that it was established at her capital. 
It is easy to accept a truth ; but it is difficult to be steadfast in it ; 
for the tests are many and heavy. It is well seen that the British 
are firm, and are not lightly turned aside, being neither ready to 
begin a matter for a little while, nor prone to abandon it for a little 
reason. Verily, in every undertaking they show firmness. 

O ye people ! cause this thing to be not a thing of words, but of 
deeds. Some Congresses are held only to increase differences. Let 
it not be so with you. Let your effort be to find harmony. Let 
Brotherhood be felt and seen among you ; and carry ye its quicken- 
ing power throughout the world. It is my prayer that the work of 
the Congress will bear great fruit 


[Pafer submitted in Persian and in English."] 


By the Hon. G. K. GOKHALE, C.I.E., Poona, India, 

Representative of Non-official Members of Bombay Legislature on the 
Viceroy's Legislative Council, late President of Indian Congress. 

THE object of the Universal Races Congress has been described 
by the organisers to be " to discuss, in the light of modern knowledge 
and the modern conscience, the general relations subsisting between 
the peoples of the West and those of the East, between so-called 
white and so-called coloured peoples, with a view to encouraging 
between them a fuller understanding, the most friendly feelings and 
a heartier co-operation." With the commencement of the twentieth 
century the relations between the East and the West may be 


regarded as having entered on a new phase, and it is, I think, in 
accord with the changed spirit of the times that the West should 
think of summoning a Congress where the representatives of all races 
" with developed types of civilisation " " might meet each other face 
to face and might, in friendly rivalry, further the cause of mutual 
trust and respect between Occident and Orient." To the people of 
the East such a desire on the part of the people of the West is 
naturally a matter of profound interest and of far-reaching signifi- 
cance. The traditional view, so well expressed by the poet, of the 
changeless and unresisting East, beholding with awe the legions of 
the West as they thundered past her, bowing low before the storm 
while the storm lasted and plunging back again in thought when the 
storm was over, seemed for centuries to encourage almost invite 
unchecked aggression by Western nations in Eastern lands, in utter 
disregard of the rights or feelings of Eastern peoples. Such aggres- 
sion, however, could not go on for ever, and the protest of the 
Eastern world against it, as evidenced by the steady growth of a 
feeling of national self-respect in different Eastern lands, has now 
gathered sufficient strength and volume to render its continuance on 
old lines extremely improbable, if not altogether impossible. The 
victories of Japan over Russia, the entry of Turkey among constitu- 
tionally governed countries, the awakening of China, the spread of 
the national movement in India, Persia, and Egypt all point to the 
necessity of the West revising her conception of the East, revising 
also the standards by which she has sought in the past to regulate 
her relations with the East. East and West may now meet on more 
equal terms than was hitherto possible, and as a first step towards 
such meeting the value of the Universal Races Congress cannot be 

The problem how to ensure " a fuller understanding, the most 
friendly feelings and a heartier co-operation " between the East and 
the West so difficult everywhere, is nowhere else so difficult and so 
delicate as it is in India. In the case of other countries the contact 
of the West with the East is largely external only; in India the 
West has, so to say, entered into the very bone and marrow of the 
East For a hundred years now, more or less, India has been under 
the political sway of England, and the industrial domination of the 
country has been no less complete than the political. This peculiar 
relationship introduces into the problem factors of great complexity, 
and the conflict of interests which it involves has to be harmonised 
before attempts, made with the object which the Congress has in 
view, can possess any enduring value or produce solid results. 

It is recognised on all sides that the relations between Europeans 
and Indians in India have grown greatly strained during the last 


quarter of a century. And yet Englishmen started with uncommon 
advantages in India. Owing to India's peculiar development the 
establishment of British rule, so far from being resented, was actually 
regarded with feelings of satisfaction, if not enthusiasm, by the 
people over the greater part of the country. It is true that England 
never conquered India in the sense in which the word "conquer" is 
ordinarily used. She did not come to the country as an invader, nor 
did she fight her battles, when she had to fight them, with armies 
composed of her own people. The establishment and consolidation 
of her rule, which undoubtedly is one of the most wonderful pheno- 
mena of modern times, was entirely the result of her superior powers 
of organisation, her superior patriotism, and her superior capacity for 
government applied to the conditions that prevailed in India during 
the second half of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth 
century. And, strange as it may seem to many, the new rule was 
accepted by the mass of the people as bringing them welcome relief 
from a, more or less, chronic state of disorder, and conferring on them 
advantages outweighing all considerations on the other side. This 
was due to the fact that with all her contribution to human progress 
in many fields religion, philosophy, literature, science, art a con- 
tribution which the world is coming to recognise more and more every 
day and of which Indians may well remain proud for all time India 
did not develop the national idea or the idea of political freedom as 
developed in the West. Who exercised the sovereign authority was 
to her people a minor matter as long as it was well exercised and did 
not seriously interfere with their religious, social, or communal life. 
And it cannot be denied that in many essential respects the standards 
of government of the new rulers compared favourably with those of 
the indigenous powers that were then struggling for supremacy in 
the land. The advantageous start thus secured was further improved 
by the declarations of wise and far-seeing statesmen, made from time 
to time in those early days, as regards the policy in accordance with 
which the affairs of this country were to be administered. India, 
they declared, was to them a trust, and was therefore to be governed 
in the spirit of a trust. Not England's profit, but India's moral and 
material well-being, was to be the object of the rule ; Englishmen 
were not to form a governing caste in the country ; the people of 
India were to be helped to advance steadily to a position of equality 
with them, so that they might in due course acquire the capacity to 
govern themselves in accordance with the higher standards of the 
West. To fit the youth of the country for their new responsibilities 
institutions were started for imparting to them Western education, 
and the class thus trained in the ideas of the West was expected to 
act as interpreter between the Government and the people, bringing 


its active goodwill to the support of the former. The establishment 
of the universities and Queen Victoria's noble Proclamation, addressed 
to the princes and people of India on the morrow of the Mutiny, set 
the final seal on this large-hearted policy. 

It is necessary to bear these facts in mind to understand clearly 
the estrangement that has taken place, as observed above, during the 
last quarter of a century between Englishmen and Indians, especially 
that class among the Indians which has come, directly or indirectly 
under the influence of the education of the West. Numerically this 
class still constitutes but a small proportion of the whole population, 
but it is undoubtedly the brain of the country, doing its thinking for 
it and determining its public opinion. For several years this class 
was keenly appreciative of England's work in India, and its attitude 
towards Englishmen on the whole was that of pupils to their teachers 
an attitude of respect, confidence, even of affection. The first 
effect of Western teaching on those who received it was to incline 
them strongly in favour of the Western way of looking at things, 
and, under this influence, they bent their energies, in the first instance, 
to a re-examination of the whole of their ancient civilisation their 
social usages and institutions, their religious beliefs, their literature, 
their science, their art ; in fact, their entire conception and realisa- 
tion of life. This brought them into violent collision with their own 
society, but that very collision drove them closer to the Englishmen 
in the country, to whom they felt deeply grateful for introducing into 
India the liberal thought of the West, with its protest against caste 
or sex disabilities and its recognition of man's dignity as man a 
teaching which they regarded as of the highest value in serving both 
as a corrective and a stimulant to their old civilisation. On one 
point they entertained no doubt whatever in their minds. They 
firmly believed that it was England's settled policy to raise steadily 
their political status till at last they fully participated in the posses- 
sion of those free institutions which it is the glory of the English 
race to have evolved. This belief, so strong at one time, began, 
however, gradually to weaken when it was seen that English adminis- 
trators were not in practice as ready to advance along lines of con- 
stitutional development as had been hoped, and that the bulk of 
Englishmen in the country were far from friendly, even to the most 
reasonable aspirations of Indians in political matters. With the rise 
of the new Imperialism in England during the last quarter of a 
century new and clearer signs became visible of a disinclination on 
the part of the ruling nation to carry into effect the policy to which 
it stood committed. Then, indeed, the faith of Indian reformers in 
the character and purpose of British rule, already tried by a feeling 
of suspicion, began definitely to give way. Suspicion was followed 


by surprise, by disappointment, by anger, and these inevitably pro- 
duced a rapidly rising anti-English feeling, which specially affected 
the younger minds throughout the country. Things now came to be 
regarded in a new light The old readiness to acknowledge freely 
and gratefully the benefits which India had derived from the British 
connection gave way to a tendency to indulge in bitter and fault- 
finding criticism, directed indiscriminately against everything done 
by Englishmen. " Wrong in the one thing rare," what mattered it 
to the Indians what Englishmen did, or how they conducted them- 
selves in other respects ? While this development was taking place 
within the borders of India the whole East was already being driven 
by those mysterious forces which shape great events to a new life, in 
which a longing to enjoy the solid advantages of a constitutional 
government and realise the dignity of nationhood was combined 
with a new pride in the special culture and civilisation of the East, a 
new impatience of Western aggression and Western domination, and 
a new faith in the destiny of Eastern peoples. India could not but 
be affected by these thought-currents with the rest of Asia, and the 
influences at work naturally received a powerful stimulus when Japan 
astonished the world with her victories over Russia. The steady 
growth of the anti-English feeling in the country was recognised by 
all thoughtful persons to be fraught with a serious menace to the 
cause of peaceful progress, and the outlook was undoubtedly very 
dark, when English statesmanship came to the rescue and by grant- 
ing to the country a measure of constitutional reform sufficiently 
substantial to meet the more pressing requirements of the day helped 
largely to ease the tension and restore a more friendly feeling 
between the two sides. 

There is no doubt whatever that the reform measures of two 
years ago arrested the growing estrangement between Europeans 
and Indians in India, and since then the situation has undergone 
a steady and continuous change for the better. So marked is this 
change over the greater part of the country that there are men who 
hold that the desire to understand each other and respect each 
other's feelings and susceptibilities was never so great as it is at the 
present moment. For how long these relations will thus continue 
to improve, and whether they will again tend to grow worse, and 
if so, when, are questions more difficult to answer. It is well to 
remember that certain causes are constantly at work to produce 
misunderstandings and make harmonious relations between the two 
sides a matter of considerable difficulty. Thus the differences in 
temperament, the natural predisposition to look at questions from 
different standpoints, the tone habitually adopted by a section of 
the Press, both English and Indian these make a demand on the 


1 62 

patience of either side which it is not always easy to meet. Then 
there are those cases of personal ill-treatment happily rarer now 
than before which from time to time attract public attention and 
cause infinite mischief, cases in which Indians are found to suffer 
insult and even violence at the hands of individual Englishmen for 
no other reason than that they are Indians. These are, so to say, 
among the standing factors of the situation, and they must, I fear, be 
accepted as inevitable at any rate, in the present circumstances of 
the country. Were these the only elements tending to give rise 
to misunderstanding and friction the matter would be comparatively 
simple : for the interests which depend on the two communities 
working together with a sufficient degree of harmony are so vast, 
and of such paramount importance to both, that it would not be 
a very difficult task to keep within reasonable limits such misunder- 
standing and friction whenever it arose. But the real sources of 
trouble which invest the future with uncertainty lie much deeper. 
Is British rule to remain a rigidly foreign rule, as long as it lasts, or 
will it conform more and more to standards which alone may be 
accepted in these days as compatible with the self-respect of civilised 
people? What is to be the objective of England's policy in India? 
How is the conflict of interests between the two communities to 
be reconciled, and what sacrifices may be reasonably expected from 
either side to render such reconciliation a living and potent reality? 
These and other allied questions, which really go to the root of 
England's connection with India, have to be answered before any 
prediction about the probable future of the relations between 
Englishmen and Indians in India can be hazarded. The opinion 
is often expressed that if only Indians and Europeans mix more 
largely socially, or Indians participate in the games and sports of 
Englishmen in greater numbers, a better understanding between the 
two sides will be established, resulting in better relations generally. 
There is, of course, a certain amount of truth in this, and it is neces- 
sary to acknowledge that earnest efforts, very recently made in 
several places by prominent members of the two communities to 
provide facilities for a better social intercourse, have contributed 
their share to the improvement in the situation that has taken place. 
But apart from the fact that such freer intercourse, unless it is 
restricted to individuals on either side who are anxious to see each 
other's good points and are tolerant to each other's weaknesses, may 
produce difficulties of its own, I am firmly persuaded that as long 
as the consciousness of political inequality continues to be behind 
such intercourse, it cannot carry us far. I have no doubt that there 
are Englishmen in India who put away from them all thought of 
such inequality in their dealings with Indians, and there are also 


Indians who are not influenced by this consideration in their rela- 
tions with Englishmen. But when this admission is made the fact 
remains that as things are to-day the humblest Englishman in the 
country goes about with the prestige of the whole Empire behind 
him, whereas the proudest and most distinguished Indian cannot 
shake off from himself a certain sense that he belongs to a subject 
race. The soul of social friendship is mutual appreciation and 
respect, which ordinarily is not found to co-exist with a conscious- 
ness of inequality. This does not mean that where equality does 
not exist the relations are necessarily unfriendly. It is not an 
uncommon thing for a party which is in what may be called a state 
of subordinate dependence on another to be warmly attached to that 
other party. But such relations are possible only if the subordinate 
party assuming, of course, that its sense of self-respect is properly 
developed is enabled to feel that its dependent state is necessary 
in its own interest, and that the other party is taking no undue 
advantage of it for other ends. And this, I think, is roughly the 
position, as between India and England. It must be admitted that 
the present inequality between Englishmen and Indians, as regards 
their political status, can only be reduced by degrees, and that a 
considerable period must elapse before it is removed altogether. 
Meanwhile Indians must be content to continue in a position of 
subordinate dependence, and the extent to which "a fuller under- 
standing, the most friendly feelings and a heartier co-operation " can 
be promoted between them and Englishmen must depend upon how 
they are enabled to realise that British rule is necessary for their own 
progress, and that British policy in India has no other aim than their 
advancement. Any doubt on this point in the Indian mind will 
mean the weakening of the tie which binds the two countries, and 
will not fail, in the end, to nullify the results of the most beneficent 
administrative measures. Assured on this point, on the other hand, 
Indians will not allow even serious administrative mistakes to 
alienate them in feeling or sympathy from the country under whose 
sway they find themselves placed, and with whose guidance they 
hope to advance to their appointed destiny. 

It may appear to some that too much stress is being laid in this 
paper on what may be termed the political development of the 
people of India, and that no attempt is being made to discuss how, 
leaving political considerations alone, Europeans and Indians may 
be helped to acquire a deeper and more sympathetic understanding 
of each other's special culture and civilisation, and how a heartier 
co-operation may be established between them in the pursuit of 
knowledge or the service of humanity " for the greater glory of God 
and the relief of man's estate." So far as the understanding of 


Europe by India is concerned, the work is being carried on with 
great vigour under the auspices of the Indian Universities, which 
have now been in existence for more than fifty years. The very 
object of these universities is to promote Western learning in the 
land, and successive generations of Indian students have been and 
are being introduced by them to a study of Western literature and 
history, Western philosophy, and Western sciences. And various 
missionary bodies have been presenting, for a century and more, the 
religion of the West to the people of India. Through these agencies 
a knowledge of Western society of its traditions, its standards, its 
achievements, its ideals, its outlook on life and its problems, its 
methods of realising itself has been rapidly spreading in the 
country, and the insight thus acquired is, on the whole, sympathetic 
and marked by deep and genuine appreciation. It is to be regretted 
that, on the English side, there is no corresponding attempt to study 
and understand India. It is true that individual Englishmen have 
done monumental work in interpreting India to the West, but 
neither in England nor among Englishmen in this country is there 
any systematic study of Indian culture and civilisation, with the 
result that very few Englishmen, in spite of a fairly prolonged stay 
in this land, acquire any real insight into them. It is a curious fact, 
and one of no small significance, that in this matter Germany is far 
ahead of England, and even America bids fair to go beyond her. 
It is obvious that there is great room for improvement here, and if 
one result of the present Congress will be to stimulate among 
Englishmen a study of Indian culture and civilisation in a sympa- 
thetic spirit, the Congress will have rendered a great service to 
India. But while it is undoubted that such study, especially if it 
leads to increased respect for India by Englishmen, will contribute 
materially to improve relations between the two sides, there is no 
getting away from the fact that, as the contact between England 
and India at present is predominantly political, it is on the attitude 
of Englishmen towards the political advancement of India that the 
future of these relations will mainly turn. The question, therefore, 
how to promote " the most friendly feelings " between the East and 
West in India resolves itself largely into how England may assist 
India's political advancement. 

The political evolution to which Indian reformers look forward 
is representative government on a democratic basis. The course 
of this evolution must necessarily be slow in India, though it need 
not be as slow as some people imagine. It is true, as Lord Morley 
pointed out three years ago, that a long time must elapse before 
India takes those countless, weary steps that are necessary to 
develop a strong political personality. But a beginning has been 


made, and the movement can only be forward and not backward. 
The difficulties that tend to retard the movement are undoubtedly 
great, and at times they threaten to prove quite overwhelming. 
But every day the forces that urge us on grow stronger, and in 
the end the difficulties will be overcome. It is unnecessary to 
say that it is largely in England's power to hasten or delay this 
evolution. If England wants to play her part nobly in this 
mysterious and wonderful drama, her resolve to help forward this 
advance must be firm and irrevocable, and not dependent on the 
views, predilections, or sympathies of individual administrators, whom 
she may from time to time charge with the direction of Indian 
affairs. I think the time has come when a definite pronouncement 
on this subject should be made by the highest authority, entitled 
to speak in the name of England, and the British Government 
in India should keep such pronouncement constantly in view in 
all its actions. There is a class of thinkers and writers among 
Englishmen, with whom it is an axiom that Oriental people have 
no desire, at any rate, no capacity for representative institutions. 
This cool and convenient assumption is not standing the test 
of experience, and, in any case, no self-respecting Indian will 
accept it ; and it is astonishing that these men, who thus seek 
to shut the door in the face of Indian aspirations, do not realise 
how thereby they turn the Indian mind against those very interests, 
for whose support they probably evolve their theories. The first 
requisite, then, of improved relations on an enduring basis between 
Englishmen and Indians is an unequivocal declaration on England's 
part of her resolve to help forward the growth of representative 
institutions in India and a determination to stand by this policy 
in spite of all temptations or difficulties. The second requisite 
is that Indians should be enabled to feel that the Government 
under which they live, whatever its personnel, is largely and in an 
ever-increasing measure, national in spirit and sentiment and in 
its devotion to the moral and material interests of the country. 
Thus, outside India, Indians should feel the protecting arm of the 
British Government behind them, ready to help them in resisting 
oppression and injustice. The monstrous indignities and ill-treat- 
ment to which the people of this country are being subjected in 
South Africa, have aroused the bitterest resentment throughout the 
land. On the other hand, the recent action of the Government 
of India in prohibiting the supply of indentured labour from this 
country to Natal, has evoked a feeling of deep and widespread 
satisfaction which cannot fail to have its effect on the general 
relations between Europeans and Indians in the country. Among 
matters bearing on the moral and material well-being of the people, 


the Government should lose no more time now in dealing with 
Education in all its branches in a national spirit especially with 
mass education and technical education. It is a humiliating reflec- 
tion that while in most other civilised countries universal elementary 
education has long been accepted as one of the first duties of 
the State, and while within the borders of India itself, the Feudatory 
State of Baroda has found it practicable to introduce a system 
of free and compulsory primary education for both boys and girls, 
in India seven children out of eight are still allowed to grow up 
in ignorance and darkness and four villages out of five are without 
a school ! And as regards technical education, while our engineer- 
ing colleges, which were started as far back as fifty years ago, 
are still training only subordinates for the Public Works Department 
of the Government, Japan starting much later, has already provided 
herself with a complete system of technical education in all its 
grades. The third requisite on which it is necessary to insist, is 
that England should send out to India less and less of those who 
are not of her best. From the best Englishmen, Indians have 
yet to learn a great deal, and their presence in the country will 
strengthen and not weaken India's appreciation of what she owes 
to England. But it should be realised that though the Indian 
average is still inferior to the English average and will continue 
to be so for some time, individual Indians are to be found in 
all parts of the country who, in character, capacity, and attainments, 
will be able to hold their own anywhere. And when Englishmen, 
inferior to such men, are introduced into the country and placed 
in higher positions, a sense of unfairness and injustice comes to 
pervade the whole Indian community, which is very prejudicial 
to the cultivation or maintenance of good feeling. Fewer and 
better men, sent out from England, better paid if necessary, will 
prevent England's prestige from being lowered in India, and this, 
in present circumstances, is a consideration of great importance. 
The fourth and last requisite that I would like to mention is the 
extreme necessity of such Englishmen as come out to this country 
realising the profound wisdom of the advice, urged on them some 
time ago by Lord Morley, that while bad manners are a fault 
everywhere, they are in India a " crime." I think Englishmen in 
India cannot be too careful in this respect. 

The only safe thing that any one can say about the future 
of India is that it is still enveloped in obscurity. But I believe 
whole-heartedly in a great destiny for the people of this land. 
We still retain many of those characteristics which once placed us 
in the van of the world's civilisation the depth of our spirituality, 
our serene outlook on life, our conceptions of domestic and social 


duty. And other races that have from time to time come to make 
their home here have brought their own treasures into the common 
stock. The India of the future will be compounded of all these 
elements, reinforcing one another ; but a long process of discipline 
and purification and readjustment is necessary, before she gathers 
again the strength required for her allotted task. In this work 
of preparation it has been given to a great Western nation to guide 
and help her. And if craven or selfish counsels are not allowed 
to prevail, England will have played the noblest international part 
that has yet fallen to the lot of humanity. When the men and 
women of India begin again to grow to the full height of their 
stature and proclaim to the world the mission that shall be theirs, 
a great stream of moral and spiritual energy, long lost to view, 
will have returned to its channel, and East and West white and 
dark and yellow and brown will all have cause alike to rejoice. 

[Paper Submitted in English.] 
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T?/~\/'DT > 

JtiLr Y r 1 

By MOH. SOUROUR BEY, Barrister, Cairo. 

I CANNOT sufficiently thank the promoters of this Congress for 
giving me the opportunity to address you on the subject of my 
country Egypt. 

These four days the 26th, 2/th, 28th, and 2Qth of July will 
never be forgotten by any of us. They will not only record in our 
memories this sympathetic manifestation of good understanding and 
of friendly feeling, but they will also remind us of the serene dignity 
of the reception accorded by the noble representatives of the West to 
the representatives of the East. They will inscribe names in our 
hearts that will henceforward be dear to us. There is another 
reason, too, why these four days deserve to be remembered. They 
will give expression to the intimate solidarity that binds us together, 
and the real character of our universal brotherhood. We belong to 
very different countries, and in a few days we shall be scattered 
over the world ; but this matters little if our thoughts are united in a 
common sentiment that knows no frontiers the consciousness of 
the greatness of the aim of this Congress. Let us, from the depths 
of our hearts, make some acknowledgment of our gratitude to the 
initiators of this noble cause of universal peace, and thank them 
for giving us this happy opportunity to draw closer, by our presence, 
the links that attach to each other the different members of all races. 

Part I. The Sociological Situation. A. Language. Being a 
cosmopolitan centre, Egypt is a veritable focus of languages. 


AH kinds of dialects meet in it. The preponderant and maternal 
tongue of the country is Arabic. It is the principal subject of 
instruction in the public schools of the State and in the private 
national schools. In foreign scholastic institutions, which are not 
less numerous, the teaching of Arabic forms part of the pro- 
gramme arranged, but is an auxiliary and optional language. It 
has made an important advance among the foreign colonies, and 
we are pleased to be able to record the material progress made 
among the majority of them. The Egyptian State is careful to 
maintain the language and to see that it is constantly improving. 
It makes every effort to render it popular and useful. 

El-Azhar at Cairo, an ancient foundation, is the chief university 
of the world in the teaching of Arabic literature. It attracts a vast 
number of students from all parts of the Eastern world. The in- 
struction that is given in it is rich, sound, learned, and profound. 
The graduates who issue from it are fully penetrated with the spirit 
and the subtlety of the language, and in their turn become intelligent 
and able teachers. 

The auxiliary languages that are chiefly used in Egypt are 
French, English, Italian, Greek, and Turkish. The English language 
owes its influence to its introduction into the State schools and its 
adoption as the official language of the administration. This indi- 
cates the limit of its influence. French remains the more popular 
tongue, in spite of its exclusion from governmental institutions. 
It is the diplomatic, administrative, and commercial language the 
language of business and all secular matters. 

B. Rsligion. The religion of the Egyptian people is Islam ; but 
all other religions such as Jacobite Christianity, which is peculiar 
to the native Christians, Latin Christianity, Greek Orthodoxy, and 
Judaism are admitted and practised. 

According to the last census (1907) we find : 

Total. Men. Women. 

Mussulmans 10,269,445 5,145,114 5> I2 4'33 r 

[Orthodox 667,036 336,630 330,006 

Copts | Catholic 14>5?6 7>5&) 6,987 

'Protestant 24,710 131078 11,632 

Protestants 12,736 8,706 43O 

Roman Catholics ... 57,744 28,235 29,509 

Greek Orthodoxy ... 76,953 43,384 33>5^9 

Orientals 27,937 I4.5 2 I 34 I 7 

Jews ... w> 38,635 19,730 18,905 

Other religions ... 206 154 52 

Total 11,287,359 

The Koran is the code of precepts and laws which our prophet 
Mohammed communicated to us. It is also a work of pure morality 


and of positive and rational philosophy. In it we find, side by side 
with the wisest rules of conduct, remarkable sociological and legislative 
dispositions. One may even say that the latter comprise almost the 
whole work, and that the purely theological part is small. It was 
by means of his eloquent language and lofty intelligence that the 
Prophet made a strong and disciplined nation out of a savage people. 
A good Mussulman must have Faith and Islam the one is internal 
belief, the other the external proof of this belief by religious acts. 
Unfortunately, the Egyptians are charged with fanaticism ; but the 
censure has little foundation, is hasty, and is not impartial. One 
must understand the situation. Every religion has a certain fanati- 
cism, because it is always essentially exclusive, and the very principle 
of the creed confers on the faithful the privilege of the one true way 
of salvation. The Egyptians are naturally liberal and tolerant ; but 
they allow none to trample on their dignity and to treat them as 
inferiors. Is there a single Mussulman who has ever broken off his 
relations with a foreigner, or discharged a Christian servant, because 
he held a different religion ? There is not. 

The real feeling that one finds among all Mussulman peoples 
is one of affection and mutual sympathy. 

C. Present Position of Women. The Egyptian woman is the 
most resigned of her sex in the whole world to-day. Though she 
is not usually well-educated, she nevertheless directs her household 
with good-will, and sacrifices herself with absolute self-denial to 
the welfare and happiness of the family. Her education still leaves 
much to be desired. To understand properly her social condition, 
one must distinguish between wealthy women, comfortably situated 
women, and the poor or fellahas. 

The wealthy woman is usually well educated and fairly cultured, 
has broad interests, and follows the intellectual movement. She is 
intelligent and charitable. She is modest, affectionate in speech, 
and absolutely devoted to her husband. She can read and write 
several languages : Arabic, Turkish, French, and English. Some 
have even taken degrees or medical diplomas. They like music 
and singing, and, like other women, they have a passion for jewels. 
They take their part in progress and civilisation, and take advantage 
of all scientific and literary functions. 

The middle-class have more modest attainments, but are occu- 
pied with cooking, sewing, and domestic duties. They do their 
own shopping, and are deeply interested in their homes. The chief 
reproach that is justly brought against them is their unpardonable 
neglect of the elementary training of their children. This negli- 
gence is innate, and has a bad effect on the character of the children. 
Badly cared for and watched over, these poor little creatures suffer 


from an apathetic neglect which deprives them of the most necessary 
hygienic services and of a good intellectual direction. 

The fellaha, or poor woman, is merely ignorant. She helps 
her husband in the fields. 

It is quite inaccurate to say generally that the Egyptian woman 
is confined to the house. All women go out, at any hour of the 
day or night, as men do. They walk alone or with friends, con- 
stantly pay or receive visits, go to the shops to make purchases, 
wander about in the markets, frequent the chief walking-places, 
and sometimes travel alone. 

The woman of the East takes no part either in politics or 
society generally, and has no influence whatever abroad. Her 
domain is the house. In it she is absolute mistress. 

D. Marriage between Different Races. Many Egyptians though 
the number is not great marry wives of foreign races, but unfor- 
tunately it must be said, in a general way, that the majority of 
these unions are not happy. The reason is simple : it is owing 
to the difference in ways, customs, characters, cast of mind, &c. 
There are, nevertheless, some of these families who live in perfect 
harmony, thanks to the mutual concessions of the tolerant partners. 
History records that men who became famous such as Mr. 
Rikards (who became Abdalla Pacha Il-Inglisi), General Menou, 
and Colonel le Seves (Soliman Pacha), converts to Islam married 
Egyptian Mussulman women, and that, on the other hand, many 
Egyptians married wives of other races. The children born of 
these marriages have predominantly an Egyptian character. 

From the legal point of view the marriage of a Mussulman 
with a Christian or Jewish woman is permitted, which shows the 
great toleration of the Mussulman religion. The Mussulman 
woman marries only a Mussulman ; if she unites herself to a non- 
Mussulman, the marriage is declared radically null and void. The 
children of both sexes that are born of these marriages follow 
the religion of their father. Difference of religion takes away 
the right of succession, either of the husband to the wife or the 
wife to the husband. 

E. Differences of Habits and Ways. In Egypt tradition has 
its followers, and even its devotees. The Egyptian people, strictly 
so called, have a strong attachment to the old ways, but are not 
refractory to such progress as evolution demands. This observation 
must be interpreted in the sense that will be explained later. The 
introduction of Europeans into Egypt goes back to the time of 
Mohammed Aly. The most ancient colony is that of the Greeks, 
which to-day numbers about 62,974 members. They live in perfect 
harmony with the natives, and speak the indigenous tongue ; many 


of them have in course of time become subjects of the country. 
The other foreign colonies number Italians, 34,926 ; British, 20,653 ; 
French, 14,891 ; Austrians, 7,705 ; Germans, 1,847; Russians, 2,410; 
Swiss, 636; Belgians, 340 ; Dutch, 185 ; Spanish, 797; other European 
nationalities, 157; Persians, 1,385 ; other Asiatic nations, 191 ; other 
African nationalities, 1,425 ; Americans, 521 ; other nationalities, 671. 
The outcome of their contact with the natives is not altogether 
good, as it is not the cream of European society that is willing 
to expatriate itself and settle in a foreign land. 

The relations of these foreigners to each other, as regards 
personal affairs, are not subject to the local authorities, but, in virtue 
of the capitulations, to the consular jurisdictions. Litigation between 
foreigners of different nationalities, or between natives and foreigners, 
belongs to mixed tribunals set up by the reform of 1875, and 
depending on the Mixed Court of Appeal at Alexandria. 

Egyptian society differs materially from that of Europe. 
All relations or contact between the masculine and the feminine 
elements are forbidden. The Egyptian, properly so-called, dreads 
Western familiarity, which gives rise to temptation and may wreck 
the most harmonious home. For him marriage is generally a be- 
ginning, whereas for the European it is almost always the end. 
In regard to moral ideas he holds somewhat different opinions from 
others, and he regards life under another aspect. He never places 
his happiness in this life. Whoever he may be, he always has some 
chimera of which he constantly dreams, which he caresses and 
prefers to the most seductive reality. As a rule, he is indifferent to 
all that tempts and captivates the European. He is distinguished 
by a quality of the heart, which is in his very blood devotion. His 
love of his neighbours is a thing to admire. Equally with the 
genuine Arab, he has a high regard for honesty and generosity. 
The exquisite kindliness which people show to each other in Egypt 
must be seen to be appreciated. A man is linked to another, not 
because of some possible utility, but from pure affection and reci- 
procal friendship. Pride has no place amongst us. Those who are 
highest in the social scale would not shrink from receiving in their 
homes the poorest of workers. Each man is understood to be the 
child of his works, the artisan of his own fortune. The man who 
starts in the humblest position may reach the highest, without any 
formal etiquette creating a barrier between the two phases of his 

.\B- Sincerity and impartiality compel us to admit that the Egyptian 
has his defects, as well as his fine and rare qualities. Though honest 
by temperament, he is inexact in fulfilling his engagements. He 
keeps his promise, but he is slow in doing so. It is due rather to 


carelessness than to ill-will. May we put it that he wishes to 
disclaim any pretence that he is perfect ? 

F. Intellectual Standing and Progress. The science which 
flourished in the early days of Islam, at Bagdad, Corfu, Kairwan, 
Basra, and Cufa, during their brilliant prosperity, are now cultivated 
only in the city of Cairo. Egypt is unquestionably the part of the 
world in which Mussulman university centres are most numerous 
and richest in students. It is the scientific and intellectual centre 
of the East Round each of the pillars of El-Azhar, and under the 
roof of most of the mosques in the various quarters of Cairo, of 
which it is the centre, you will find students from Morocco, Tunis, 
Tripoli, the Sudan, Syria, Turkey, Arabia, Afghanistan, India, and 
Java, from early dawn until late at night, receiving the instruction 
that is given them by several hundred professors of the various 

In December, 1908, the nation, conscious of the future of its 
children and anxious to raise the intellectual level, founded the 
Egyptian University. Its establishment is due to private initiative, 
to the generosity of large-hearted men, and the sympathy of those 
who love progress and science. At once the Council of the 
University, encouraged by the spontaneous liberality it experienced 
on every side, set to work to realise the most pressing part of the 
programme, and sent to all the different intellectual centres of 
Europe a number of young students for the pursuit of science. 

While applauding this resurrection of science, we earnestly 
desire that the intellectuals who will control the destiny of our 
studious young generation will spare no effort to form their char- 
acters, inflame them with a zeal for scientific discovery, and train 
them in the struggle of intellectual life. 

Let us not forget that it is more important to train character 
than to train intelligence, and that a really great university should 
devote itself more ardently to the development of qualities of 
character than to the training of the mind. 

We have at the present time more than six hundred students in 
Europe and America, and the number is increasing. More than 
three hundred of them are in France. 

Part II. The Politico-Economic Situation. Egypt owes its 
economic importance to two circumstances, which have had influence 
in the past, as they have to-day. The first is the situation of Egypt : 
it is at the crossing of the great commercial routes between Southern 
Europe, North Africa, the Sudan, Arabia, and the East in general. 
The second is the fertility of the soil, which is due no less to its 
excellent character, to the stability of its sub-tropical climate, and to 
the regular and abundant supply of water. 


It is an essentially agricultural country, and its richness has 
always been proverbial, but, on the other hand, there are hardly any 
industries, apart from those that have been introduced, and are now 
prosperous the sugar and rice industries. The manufacture of 
sugar employs a number of factories in Upper Egypt ; the decortica- 
tion of rice is chiefly confined to the neighbourhood of Damietta. 
The making of cigarettes with tobacco, which is imported and then 
exported, has grown to such an extent that for the year 1909 we have 
to record an importation of 839,185 (English), and an exportation 
of 365,801 (English). The real wealth of the country consists in 
the cultivation of cotton. Numbers of factories for picking it are 
scattered over Upper as well as Lower Egypt. The enormous growth 
of foreign commerce is due entirely to the increased cultivation of 
cotton and to the rise in price of that commodity. I need only say 
that during the last twenty-five years the receipts, in spite of constant 
strikes, have risen from about 9,000,000 (English) to more than 
15,402,872 (English) ; I that the total of imports and exports, which 
in 1880 was 19,500,000 (English) has increased to about 42,000,000 
(English) ; that the cultivated area has increased by more than a 
million feddens ; and that the cotton crop, which in 1880 was about 
2,250,000 kantars, now usually varies between 6,000,000 and 6,500,000 
kantars. There could, moreover, be no better proof of the develop- 
ment of our commercial activity than that afforded by the remarkable 
growth of credit-establishments. There are various kinds of joint- 
stock banks established ; some are deposit and clearance banks, others 
lend money on mortgages and securities. Foreign capital flows in 
constantly with perfect confidence, and has had the happy effect 
of substituting, in a large measure, banks for the local usurers for pro- 
viding funds for the proprietary class and the fellahs. The above 
figures indicate a prosperity that is on the increase, and show that 
Egypt is much richer to-day than it was twenty-five years ago, and 
that its productive power has been developed. 

G. Political Conditions. Egypt is a vassal country of Turkey. 
The form of government is theoretically absolute, but with certain 
modifications which will be explained later. It was recognised by 
the Convention signed at London on July 15, 1840, and agreed upon 
between the Courts of Austria, Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia on 
the one hand, and the Ottoman Sublime Porte on the other. The 
chief firman or hatti-Cherif Q{ June I, 1841, appointed Mehemet Aly 
Pacha the Governor of Egypt, and awarded the hereditary govern- 
ment to his descendants. 

Ismail Pacha was the first to receive the title of Khedive, and in 
1866 succeeded in obtaining material concessions from the Sublime 
1 Supplement to the Official Journal, No. 31, March 16, 1910. 


Porte, especially the firman, which establishes : (i) the transmission 
of the Khedivate in order of primogeniture from one eldest son to 
another, and (2) that all revenue should be received in the name of the 

After 1882, when the events connected with Arabi Pacha 
occurred events that are still painful in our memories Great 
Britain intervened for the purpose of restoring order and establish- 
ing H.H. the Khedive on his throne ; it has remained since then 
in the country, taking part in all Egyptian affairs and occupying 
the country with military force. This occupation is not judicially 
recognised, except by the Convention of April 18, 1904, in regard 
to the finances of the country, in which Turkey (the Suzerain 
Power) took no part. The actual Government has at its head 
H.H. the Khedive Abbas II., who received his investiture by 
firman dated March 27, I892. 1 

He governs with the aid of a Ministry that is in some sense 
responsible to him. This Ministry is composed of seven Ministers 
and six Under-Secretaries of State. Besides this purely native 
Government there exists another power since the occupation, that 
of the Plenipotentiary Britannic Minister, in whose hands is the 
preponderant influence both in politics and administration. 

According to Lord Granville's circular of 1883, and Lord 
Rosebery's dispatch of 1892, the native authorities are obliged, in 
all matters of importance, to follow the advice given them by the 
Government of Great Britain, under penalty of losing their positions. 

The British Agent exercises his control by means of Advisers 
attached to each Ministry, except those of Foreign Affairs and 

1 "The Khedive, to whom the civil, financial, and judicial administration is 
confided, will have the power to make all regulations and internal laws necessary 
to that end. The Khedive will be authorised to conclude and to renew, without 
prejudice to the political treaties of my Imperial Government or to its sovereign 
rights over the country, conventions with the agents of Foreign Powers in regard 
to customs and commerce, and all transactions with foreigners concerning internal 
affairs. The conventions will be communicated to my Sublime Porte before they are 
promulgated by the Khedive. The Khedive will have full and entire control of the 
financial affairs of the country, but he will not have the right to contract loans, 
except as concerns exclusively the regulation of the present financial situation, and 
in complete accord with its present creditors or delegates officially charged with their 
interests. The Khedive cannot devolve upon others, in whole or in part, the privileges 
accorded to Egypt, which are entrusted to him, and which form part of the rights 
inherent to a sovereign power, nor sacrifice any part of the territory. . . . Regular 
payment of the annual tribute of 750,000 L.T. The coinage will be minted 
in the name of the Sultan. The Egyptian Army is fixed at 18,000 men in time 
of peace. Nevertheless, as the Egyptian land and sea forces are 'also intended for 
the service of the Sultan, in the event of the Sublime Porte finding itself at war, 
the number may be increased in such proportion as is thought fit. The flags and 
the grade-marks of officers will be the same as in the Ottoman Army. The Khedive 
will have the right to confer on officers of the land and sea forces up to the rank 
of colonel exclusively, and on civil officers up to the rank of sanieh exclusively." 


War, which he controls directly, and by means of inspectors in 
each moudirieh or province. The English Advisers are appointed 
by H.H. the Khedive, but proposed by the English Diplomatic 
Agent, to whom they are really responsible. 

The nation does not, in the parliamentary or representative sense, 
really take part in the making of laws, and does not see that they are 
executed. It is represented by : 

( I ) A Legislative Council, one half of whose members are appointed 
for life by the Government, and the other half elected on a system of 
two-graded suffrage a very defective system, which does not meet 
the wish of the nation, and gives only a semblance of representation. 
This Council has only a consultative voice, and, when it rejects 
or modifies a law, the Government may disregard it, sending it a 
note explaining the reasons why its advice has not been followed, 
and the Council has no right to reply to, or even to discuss, this note. 
(2) A General Assembly, of which the members of the Legislative 
Council and the Ministers form part. This Assembly must be 
convoked at least once in two years. It also has only a consultative 
voice, except when there is a question of raising new taxes. In 
this case alone its voice is deliberative and decisive. 

The sittings of these two elected, bodies were formerly private ; 
only last year did they become public. On the other hand, the 
Legislative Council is granted the right to put questions to the 
ministers according to certain rules, without being able to discuss 
their replies. This reform has not been introduced by decree ; 
it was recognised in the Council by a letter from the President 
of the Council of Ministers. These few insignificant reforms have, 
nevertheless, added some strength and authority to the Councils, 
which were too much neglected, and consulted only as a matter 
of form. 

In the third place, and beside each moudir or prefect, there 
are provincial councils, the competency of which has been recently 
enlarged. They have now a deliberative voice in part of the local 
affairs, and much is hoped of their new organisation. They have 
devoted nearly the whole of their budget to public instruction, 
and make every effort to spread education in the country. Here 
also we must recognise the local commissions that exist in all 
the provinces, and the mixed municipalities at Alexandria, 
Mansourah, Port-Said, and Heluan. The establishment of these 
was excellent, as it indicates the first step toward self-government. 

Egypt, like all civilised countries, demands reforms for the 
purpose of remedying its actual defects. This very legitimate 
claim justifies the French proverb that observes, with much subtlety : 
" To govern is to dissatisfy." It is in this spirit, and not in a 


critical mood, that I venture to make myself the spokesman of 
my country in formulating the following claims : 

Elections. The system actually in use is wholly defective, as 
it in no wise expresses the will of the nation. It is also advisable 
to extend the powers of the Legislative Council and the General 
Assembly in order that the natives may have a real share in the 

Justice. The same observation may be made in regard to justice, 
either mixed or native. An early use should be made of some 
means to make it more expeditious and economical, as one of its 
great defects is the complicated character of the procedure, which 
causes long and useless delays, always injurious to the parties 
interested, and the enormous expense of having recourse to it. It 
is also to be hoped that certain necessary, if not important, amend- 
ments will be made in the law. 

Education. The Government ought to apply itself seriously to 
enforcing obligatory instruction and return to the system in vogue 
before the English occupation to make education gratuitous in all 
elementary schools. It is necessary to draw up new programmes for 
the training of our youth, and make it capable of furnishing a supply 
of skilful engineers, doctors, jurisconsults, &c., so that they may 
take their part in the progressive development of the country. 
Above all things, the authorities must take up the subject of moral 
instruction, which is so important an element among Europeans, 
making them good parents and good citizens. 

Agriculture. More delicate, and more vital to the economic 
interest of the country, is the question of agriculture. It is necessary 
to face at once the eventuality of the results of the cotton-crop 
not coming up to expectation. In order to remedy this evil, and 
avoid an inevitable crisis and imminent misfortune, it is necessary to 
ensure and increase the productivity of the valley of the Nile by 
a more varied and intensive culture and by bringing out its latent 
resources ; for instance, to increase the cultivation of the sugar- 
cane and permit the cultivation of tobacco, and the results will 
be excellent both for the Government and the cultivators ; also 
to encourage the creation of model farms, the rearing of poultry, 
&c. These are so many material means of which the Egyptian 
producer is at present deprived. 

Another reform that is equally pressing is the improvement of 
the lot of the fellah by providing him with the means of enlarg- 
ing his activity and resources. At the present time the majority 
of the fellahs hire a plot of land, which they work themselves, and 
with the produce they are barely able to pay the rent (often 
exorbitant) and the taxes, and provide for themselves for a year 


out of the little that remains. On this account it is impossible 
for them to save anything, still less to have the satisfaction of 
acquiring a kirat of land. The Government ought, like a benevo- 
lent parent, to offer them every facility. It could, for instance, 
with every regard for their age-old inexperience and improvidence, 
either let land to them on a long lease, with the prospect of some 
day becoming the owners of it (by paying with the rent an 
additional sum towards the price of the land), or grant them per- 
petual leases in consideration of the regular payment of the rent. 

We must not forget, too, that the fellah still uses the ploughing 
instruments of ages ago, which entail a good deal of labour and time 
and do not yield a proportionate result. The Department of Agricul- 
ture will do a good and useful work if it suggests to the large land- 
owners to form unions to buy and hire out improved tools. It is 
wrong to suppose that the fellah is devoted to the ancient methods ; 
on the contrary, he will accept gladly and gratefully any improve- 
ment that means a practical saving to him. 

The action of the State would be still more fruitful if it 
encouraged and increased the formation of agricultural unions, 
co-operative societies, provident and productive associations. 

Industry. A word now on the working population. This poor 
class of society, which has not yet learned modern methods and 
industrial organisation, is at the mercy of its employers. The price 
of food has doubled in recent years, but wages have not increased in 
proportion, so that the labourer and the worker are relatively poorer 
than ever. Ought not the competent authority to encourage trade 
unions in order to remove their grievances ? The best way would be 
to endeavour to make agriculture so prosperous as to check the fatal 
tendency to rural emigration. 

Public Assistance^ &c. Turning to a different order of ideas, we 
may say that our country is also wanting in establishments of Public 
Assistance, instituted by the Municipalities and the Provincial 
Councils ; also in retreats for the aged and infirm, such as we see in 
Europe, especially in England. These establishments would be 
compelled (instead of doing it out of charity) to house and feed every 
indigent and his family of any nationality or creed whatever. Such 
an organisation would do important humane and moral service, par- 
ticularly in protecting children, as child-mortality is increasing fright- 
fully. The statistics of 1909 show 417 deaths per thousand at Cairo, 
and 33*1 per thousand at Alexandria. If we compare this with 
European capitals, we find that London, with its 5,000,000 inhabi- 
tants, has only 14 deaths per thousand ; Berlin, with a population of 
2,106,513 has only 15-1 per thousand; Paris, with 2,760,033 inhabi- 
tants has 17*4 deaths per thousand. It is a sad disproportion, 



especially when we reflect that the climate of these cities is much 
more unhealthy than ours. From all this we may conclude that 
sanitary reform leaves a good deal to be desired. We must fight 
against this alarming loss of infant life in our large towns. 

Another pressing duty is to make the houses of the working 
classes healthier; at present they are entirely wanting in the 
elementary principles of hygiene.;} "to 

-it^To resume : Egypt claims certain reforms in order to maintain 
its prestige and its moral dignity. It may be objected that we lack 
the means to realise them. To that we may confidently reply that 
the progressive wealth of the country can sustain the burden of these 
expenses. Who, moreover, presses the Government to undertake 
them all at once? A beginning could be made with the urgent 
reforms, and the work might continue gradually until the expressed 
wishes of the nation have been satisfied. 

-avJn conclusion, we may say that it would be wrong to regard the 
mental status of the Egyptian as permanent or not susceptible of 
modification under the pressure of influences in his environment. 
On the contrary, the present situation leads us to predict with 
confidence that changes in the system of education and in public 
opinion, due in a great measure to constant and increasing contact 
with the West, will transform and improve this mental aptitude at no 
distant date. Egypt, the cradle of the most ancient civilisation in 
the world, will, thanks to the generous support of our Beloved and 
August Sovereign, H.H. the Khedive Abbas II., continue to make 
giant strides toward the conquest of civilisation and progress. The 
future smiles on us, and I may conclude in the words of the sublime 
poet Milton : 

" Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing herself like 
a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible locks : Methinks I see her 
as an eagle mewing her mighty youth, and kindling her undazzled eyes at the 
full midday beam ; purging and unsealing her long-abused sight at the fountain 
itself of heavenly radiance." 

[Paper submitted in French.] 

oJ "{Infifo Ju<> * ^;no. o 


rL-.^iTt i vJiiirfl ,fran ojo?q r.i .rji) 


Former President of the Republic of Haiti. 
-it,;iiiti OOOXJGO,; fill rUiv/ .nubfuxl jjjrif L-ru? r; v h./iq&i tifioqoiwH 

THE Haitian nation dates back to yesterday, as it were, and its 
clumsy gropings towards the light should cause, therefore, no aston- 
ishment From 1804, the year of its independence, to 1843, the year 


of the revolution, its political education and its social organisation 
were bound to be very imperfect. Yet many illusions have been 
cherished in regard to this people through mistaking surface appear- 
ances for the reality. The memory of its former colonial prosperity 
and the favourable position of the island led many to conceive the 
Republic of Haiti as a Garden of Eden. Is not the azure sea which 
lies around it the reservoir from which the Gulf Stream derives the 
tropical heat which is borne onward until its influence is felt even on 
the shores of England ? 

But, however stimulating the climate of the Antilles may be, it 
could not succeed alone, and with such rapidity, in forming a society. 
It needs the support of other agencies, and we are therefore com- 
pelled, in studying the progress of the people of Haiti, to examine 
the influence of the external forces which have co-operated, or acted 
infelicitously, in modifying the situation. 

In 1843 nearly twenty years had passed since the Black Republic 
had been convulsed by a revolution ; but the government of the 
Republic, which might be regarded as the most regular power that , 
had held sway over it since its independence, rested, nevertheless, on 
an insecure foundation. At that time power was concentrated in the 
hands of the single personality at the head of the State. It was a 
government of the older European type. The ideal of the revolution 
was bound to be very different from this, a government divided 
into three great branches (legislature, executive, and judiciary), 
thoroughly civil and representative. It was an attractive ideal ; but 
was such a government possible in the then condition of Haiti, which 
was feudal rather than mediaeval ? 

History has given a negative answer to the question. In 1843, 
however, the Haitians were no less eager for liberty than in 1804, 
and not in the least more opposed to progress. What above all 
things they desired and demanded, from a lively consciousness of 
their moral and material needs, was prosperity. They were confident 
that this was the best means for attaining complete emancipation and 
the highest possible degree of civilisation. As far as the people were 
concerned, President Boyer would not have fallen from power if 
agriculture, commerce, and industry had not been threatened under 
his administration. Prosperity in these three things was precisely 
what the deputies of the Commons had in view, and the lack of 
it formed the burden of their complaints in their representations to 
the President of the Republic. Ought they not to have adhered to 
that programme when they had organised a ministry, and incor- 
porated it as a part of the government of the country? 

A political revolution is a blind force, and, unfortunately, one that 
cannot be controlled. If, like the English Revolution, it is conducted 


only in relation to existing institutions and for the purpose of realis- 
ing conservative ideas, it will never be able to do much good. The 
revolution of 1843, however, was useful in proving once more the 
danger of Caesarism or personal government. Caesarism, which 
anarchy always involves, cannot, any more than a dictatorship, be 
a permanent form of government. In the life of a people there is 
always a moment when the sword must give place to the law. Not 
that the law is infallible ! It often contains many evils in the folds 
of its long robe ; but, while the sword only represents force, the law 
stands for peace and justice. 

Born in troublous times, Haiti is essentially a military State, 
and, though he cannot entertain ideas of conquest, its head must, 
nevertheless, retain the character of a noble gendarme, the guardian 
of its institutions. But this gendarme, who must be surrounded with 
the light of knowledge, must have a counterpoise, and that can be 
found only in communal institutions and in a Parliament. There 
are, however, many kinds of such institutions and Parliaments ; every- 
thing depends on the form they assume. 

By a commune we understand a city, rivtfas, a civic community 
with its own organs and its characteristic life. By Parliament 
we understand the representation of the communes and of all the 
centres of social activity that are created in a country. Both institu- 
tions are of very ancient origin. They existed in Europe long before 
feudalism, and even before the Roman Empire. 

However much Parliaments have evolved in their form and their 
functions in the course of history, we seem to find them, in a rudi- 
mentary condition, in the palavers that are still held in great regard 
in many a tribe. The Parliament controls, discusses, and, in that 
way, relieves the responsibility of the Government. The idea of this 
institution is assuredly one of those that have not suffered in the 
disappointment of Haiti's early illusions ; but, in order that it may 
be realised effectively, it needs to obtain a deeper consciousness, to 
sink deeper into and take root in the mind of the people. 

* * .'*:i,' * * * 

The Parliament of Haiti before 1843 ^ a< ^ more than once 
mutilated itself in deference to the wish of " the august person 
of the first Magistrate of the Republic," as in the case of the 
expulsion of the Senator Pierre-Andre 1 . Many times since then 
an effort has been made to infuse new blood into it ; but the 
antagonism of the various parties is so determined that, as public 
opinion vacillates, the scale sinks on either side alternately, some- 
times on the side of the Parliament, sometimes on that of the 

When, then, may we hope to see established between the various 


branches of power in Haiti that harmony and stability which will 
inspire confidence, strengthen its institutions, and permit a great 
current of sympathy to flow through its various social strata? How- 
ever, far from normal as the political regime of Haiti still is, it has 
brought about certain improvements in the public service, and, at 
the same time, some useful work has been done on private initiative. 
We may enumerate them as follows : 

Public Instruction. The development of education was not effec- 
tively undertaken in Haiti until the time of the Geffrard Govern- 
ment (1859-67). Schools were multiplied, and instruction of all 
grades was given, except in the higher grade, in which educational 
work was restricted to a school of medicine and a school of law. 
Both before and after the time of Geffrard many young Haitians 
used to go to Europe to complete their studies, and a number of 
them were very successful. We may recall, for instance, that 
M. Lon Audain, formerly a physician in the hospitals of Paris, 
established a laboratory of bacteriology and parasitology at Port- 
au-Prince ; M. Doret, a civil engineer, and M. Eth6art founded the 
" Free School of Applied Science," and, finally, Dr. Jeanty established 
a maternity hospital and an asylum for the insane. Before the Free 
School of Applied Science, which is engaged in the training of 
engineers, architects, and agriculturists, was opened, the Government 
had laid the foundation of two schools of arts and crafts. The first, 
which is known as the "Central House," goes back to 1846, under 
the administration of Riche". The young people who were detained 
in it to learn a trade were also taught to read and write, if their 
education had been neglected. The establishment owed its chief 
importance to the fact that the making of paper and soap was 
included in the subjects that were taught. The soap works of the 
Central House received little encouragement ; but its paper works 
provided, until the end of 1858, all the material that the administra- 
tion needed for the supply of its offices. 

National Foundry^ &c. The second school created by Geffrard 
was equally successful in metallurgy. It also included a number 
of schools for teaching wood-carving. We must also refer to the 
sectarian schools which, since 1860, have assisted in spreading the 
light and in teaching girls the various occupations suitable for them. 

Religion. The majority of the people are Catholics. On account 
of the War of Independence, however, the Catholic clergy was not 
officially organised until 1860, when a Concordat was signed with 
the Holy See at Rome. Other religions are freely practised in the 

Communication. Haiti entered the Postal Union in 1881, under 
the government of General Salomon, and communicates with foreign 


countries by telegraphic connection and shipping. The various 
towns of the country are connected by the post, by coasting vessels, 
and by the telephone and telegraph. There are four lines of railway 
in Haiti at the present time : (i) The Cul-de-Sac line ; (2) the line 
from the Cap to Grande- Riviere ; (3) the line from Gonai'ves to 
Ennery ; (4) the line from Port-au-Prince to L^ogane. These lines 
are still in a poor state of development. 

Agriculture, Commerce, and Industry. From the time of Boyer to 
the present day production has increased five-fold, or even six-fold, 
in proportion to the growth of the population of Haiti. Yet the 
economic situation is still the great stumbling-block which brings to 
its fall the majority of Ministries. Agriculture, commerce, and 
industry, which focus the energy of a country and form its "vital 
tripod," so to say, are exhausted and ruined in Haiti under the 
burden of taxes and paper-money to which the various Governments 
have usually had recourse to fill up the deficit of the year. 


No other cause need be sought for the debility and the function- 
aryism of Haiti. It is not a racial question, but simply a problem of 
political economy. This is proved by the fact that wherever paper- 
money and excessive taxation drain the national reserves, no capital 
can be accumulated. Private initiative cannot take action, and 
national industry is paralysed. 

One must not, however, on this account despair of the future of 
the people of Haiti. Whatever may be said to the contrary, it seems 
to be an energetic and vigorous people. In order to understand its 
temperament and appreciate its worth, one must leave the towns, 
where society is in a state of disaggregation, and penetrate far into 
the country. There, in the midst of a luxuriant vegetation, will be 
found an almost primitive population, professing a jealous love of its 
soil. They work, but without method, without guidance, and without 
capital. They have no resources. In order to sell their produce and 
buy the smallest thing that they need, they have to walk long 
distances and cross the mountains to reach the markets in the urban 

In an age when the produce of the soil has lost a good deal of its 
exchange-value, life in the country is full of hardship. What people 
would be able to prosper in such circumstances ? Our peasants feel 
the truth of this, and they endeavour to escape by emigrating in 
groups, during the last ten years, to Cuba, Panama, Colon, and other 
parts of Central America in search of work. 

In the case of the Haitian, who suffers from no lack of land, sun- 
shine and rain, this emigration would seem strange if we did not know 
its causes. It may be asked if the emigrants will not be found 


inferior to their rivals, the other workers in the distant land. That 
is far from being the case. M. Magoon, at one time Governor of 
Cuba, highly praised them in a report which he made to his Govern- 
ment Others have since expressed themselves in the same sense. 
Knowing this, we may conclude that the people of Haiti are perse- 
vering, active, and very adaptable ; that, if they had been always 
encouraged and well directed, they would by this time have reached 
a high pitch of prosperity and civilisation. 

It may be objected, however, that the Haitians are fetichistic, 
and the very general prejudice against the "blacks" disposes people 
to believe this. Now, it is true that we can discover in Haiti certain 
traces of African fanaticism; but this is only a lingering relic of 
ancestral traits which a people does not easily suppress : witness the 
Greeks, the Romans, the Gauls, the Germans, and the Scandinavians. 
M. Maxime du Camp says, in one of his works, that there are still 
people in France who believe in Lilith and Naema, as was the case 
in the time of the Albigenses. 1 " At the summer solstice certain 
individuals meet, before the rising of the sun, on one of the hills 
round Paris; their foreheads are swathed in strips of cloth, like 
Egyptian sphinxes, and they invoke Apollo Epicurius, and chant the 
hymn of Orpheus." 

It is not surprising that something of the kind should be wit- 
nessed on the mountains of Haiti, in a region where the people 
have always been left to themselves. But the Africans were not all 
fetichists. Some of them were Mohammedans, and some even 
Christians ; but the latter are never taken into account. Moreau 
de St.-Meiy, in speaking of the African dances that were introduced 
into San Domingo, refers to the Vaudoux (Voud'houn) with which 
are connected, he says, certain institutions in which superstition and 
eccentric practices play a great part. 2 The Vaudoux was at that 
time danced in public, like all the others ; but in order to carry out 
the rites connected with it, the members of the sect used to meet at 
night in an enclosed place, a forest, far from the eyes of the 

In regard to these matters the authorities did not show any 
severity until the governments of Toussaint-Louverture and 
Dessalines, both of whom were blacks. The offenders were arrested 
and prosecuted, and their dance-meetings were regarded as centres 
of sedition.3 They were not spared under the succeeding govern- 

1 Pan's, sa Vie, ses Organes, by Maxime du Camp. 

3 Moreau de St.-Mery, vol. ii. p. 54. 

3 Jacques Nicolas Leger. " Fully convinced that the leaders of these dances (Vaudoux) 
have no other aim than to disturb the public order . . . and impart to their hearers 
principles that are quite opposed to those that should be held by a man who loves his 
country and is jealous of the honour of his fellow-citizens ; desiring to destroy the 


ments. In 1846 President Rich6, whenever he heard the suspicious 
beat of a drum during the night, used to go himself to track and 
surprise the dancers in their retreat The unfortunate offenders lived 
in perpetual and salutary fear, and shuddered at the mere sight of a 
policeman's uniform in the distance. 

In fine, what is this Vaudouism, as an excellent Protestant 
minister, Mr. Bird, called it? What is it in the life of a people 
whose last African ancestors were still living in 1870? Fanaticism 
is assuredly an evil ; but we must not exaggerate its importance. 

The prolonged weakness and evident incompetence of a State to 
govern itself may bring about the death of that State, as Bluntschli 
observed ; but a nation or a race is not doomed to destruction 
because superstition has not been entirely destroyed in its midst. 
There is every reason for hope. Vaudouism, with its drums, its 
bells, its howling dervishes, its sorcerers and wizards, will disappear 
from Haiti just as paganism and druidism disappeared from Europe. 
tin Nil desperandum ! Haiti has immense natural wealth. If its 
Government makes a methodical effort to develop it, with an eye to 
the welfare and the independence of the nation and the union of 
families, it will advance as the Argentine Republic, Mexico and 
Chile have advanced, after a long succession of political revolutions. 
Let us hope that it will do so, for the honour of the black race, the 
progress of humanity, and, as Dessalines used to say, for the mani- 
festation of the glory and power of God. Surge t et ambula. 
[Paper submitted in French.] 



Professor of Law in the University of Budapest. 

THE Hungarian people who, in the last decade of the ninth 
century, effected the conquest of the territory which, on the banks 

roots of the incalculable evils that the propagation of so noxious a doctrine would bring 
in its train, &c., I enact as follows : All nocturnal dances and meetings are prohibited," 
&c. Decree of Toussaint-Louverture, January 4, 1800. 

1 Compare also in general with the author's Ungarischc Verfassun^s- und 
Rechisgexhichte, translated by Felix Schiller. Second Edition. Berlin, 1909, 
Puttkaminer & Muhlbrecht. 


of the Danube and the Tisza, is bounded by the Carpathians, are 
the descendants of the Turanian and Uro- Altaic races. They belong, 
however, neither to the North-Western group nor to the Finn-Ugric 
branch, nor yet to the South-Eastern group, i.e., the Turko- 
Tartars. Both by language and ethnology they belong to a third 
branch springing from between the two mentioned, the same to which 
the Huns, Avars, Volga-Bulgarians, Petchenegs, and Rumanians 
also belong. The strong public spirit of the Hungarian nation* 
which differentiates it in a marked degree from the German races, 
which display an individualistic tendency is probably an inheritance 
from their Turanian ancestors. In the midst of the culture of 
Western Europe this public spirit of the Hungarian people mani- 
fested itself, as a reaction against the influence of West European 
ideas and tendencies of law and administration, in the magnificent 
system of government known to us as The Laws of the Holy Crown. 

The Hungarian nation regards the Crown, which is the crown 
of St Stephen, as holy. In this respect she stands alone among 
the peoples who acknowledge a monarchical form of govern- 

The Hungarian Constitution is a historic fact, the result of 
more than a thousand years of gradual development. For its roots 
and fundamental principles we must go back to the original home 
of the Magyars on the western slopes of the Ural mountains. 
No other Continental State can look back on such a long and 
uniform development of its constitution, which has permanently 
secured to the free members of the nation the right of participation 
in public affairs. 

National alliance formed the basis of the primitive Hungarian 
State, which was built up on the union of the tribes. A public 
and not a private alliance, it concerned itself not with individual 
will or with any private treaty, but existed as a necessity, by 
virtue of a higher maxim of law binding on the whole members 
of the nation. We must, therefore, in accordance with modern 
theories, pronounce the primitive Hungarian State to have been 
a legally constituted body. Otherwise we could only speak of it 
as a rabble drawn together for fighting purposes and held together 
by sentiments of fidelity and loyalty towards the chief. Thanks 
to the national alliance, the primitive Hungarian State possessed 
in a decidedly superior form a legal public character, unlike the 
feudal states of the Middle Ages, whose feudal basis bound the 
individual in a relationship, not to the whole community, but to 
a person more powerful than himself. 

According to the trustworthy reports of the Greek emperors 
(Emperor Leo the Wise's 7a//and Konstantinos Porphyrogennetos's 


work De administrando imperio I ), the primitive state enjoined two 
public duties : common defence and obedience to the laws, binding 
on all recognised free members of the community. Every man 
belonging to the nation capable of bearing arms was obliged to 
appear at the National Assembly, which was at once a military 
and a judicial body. On the national alliance rested the national 
authority, or, as we should term it to-day, the highest executive 
power. It was represented by the people politically organised, 
ijt. t the nation. The sovereignty was therefore the sovereignty of 
the people, resembling in this respect the first beginnings of the 
German Constitution. moil 

The first political or national organisation of the Hungarians 
took place therefore in accordance with the forms of public law. 
The Hungarian army is a national army, not a private fighting 
force. Arpad and his successors, in their ducal character, were 
not private war-lords, but public officials of the nation elected 
generals who, by the authority invested in them, commanded and- 
led the army.rr: 

The primitive Hungarian State did not recognise the feudal 
institution known as "retainers," upon which the maintenance of 
private troops was founded. This is the essential difference between 
the original Hungarian and German polity. 

The political life and political organisation of the Hungarian 
people did not, even in the later course of mediaeval development, 
lose their legal character, notwithstanding the influence of feudal 
political ideas and provisions. The kingdom did not content 
itself with feudal lordship, but developed more and more in the 
direction of constitutional power upon the basis of public law. The 
strong public spirit and collectivist ideas, brought by the Hungarian 
people from their original home, prevented the feudal system, based 
upon distinctly individualistic principles, from taking the place of the 
common union. 

The King was kept in check in a very important way by material 
limitations of his power, in spite of the fact that for the first two 
centuries he had enjoyed absolute power, as the inheritor of the 
supreme rights formerly possessed by the National Assembly, which 
were from the beginning of a public character. 

The royal power could not pronounce an absolute decision on 
matters concerning the free members of the nation. The King had 
no absolute jurisdiction either over the army or the nobles, nor could 
he claim the property of the latter by way of taxation. At the very 
time when the English wrested Magna Charta from their King the 
Hungarians received from King Andrew II., in the Golden Bull 
1 See de Timon's Ungarischt Vcrfauungs- und Rechtsgeschichtt, p. 22 ff. 


(1222), the title-deeds of their rights. In the mind of the Hungarian, 
the love of freedom for the nation stands far superior to the claims of 
individual freedom. 

As a consequence of the penetration of the feudal political ideas 
of the West in the course of the thirteenth century, beside the royal 
power arose other oligarchical powers which invariably claimed the 
greater share in the exercise of public rights. The administration of 
justice, as well as of military and financial affairs, ceased to be exclu- 
sively a royal prerogative. But as the danger became imminent that 
the public life of the Hungarian nation would fall under Western 
influences, and thus become established on the basis of private law 
upon the principle of absolute monarchy, which is the negation of the 
true state idea the strong public spirit of the Hungarians developed 
the idea which had taken root in the nation, the idea, namely, of a 
common power belonging jointly to King and Nation. 

The idea of a common power, as opposed to the personal power 
of the King, assumes concrete form in the conception of the public 
rights of the Holy Crown, and produces as a logical sequence the 
theory of the Holy Crown, that is to say, the system of State law 
depending upon the personification of the Holy Crown. 

The conception of the State as a living organism, as a personality, 
is the fundamental principle of modern statecraft. The mediaeval 
conception overlooked this, and especially the idea of the State in 
the abstract. Even later, the nations of the Middle Ages, influenced 
by the principles of law that prevailed in ancient Rome, did not 
attain to a proper idea of State administration, and thereby to a 
correct notion of the transferred common power. On the other hand, 
through the personification of the Holy Crown, the Hungarian nation 
grasped these ideas before any of the nations of the West. 

The Hungarian nation saw the State embodied as an organic 
whole in the Holy Crown, in the interests of organised society. 
They regarded the Holy Crown as a mark and symbol of the 
sovereignty of Hungary, expressing the international independence 
of the Hungarian nation, even though to outside States it seemed in 
opposition to sovereignty. On the other hand, it personified it as the 
custodian of the common power, having its roots in the people, 
though in the political sense indebted to both. This is present as a 
mystery in the Holy Crown. 1 

The acceptance of this interpretation of public law began to set 
in at the end of the twelfth century, advancing slowly and gradually, 
and can only be considered to have reached its final stage in the 
period of King Sigismund. The personality of the Holy Crown ere 

1 I first met the word mystery in this sense in the Manifesto of the Hungarian Diet 
of 1440, Kovachich, Vestigia Comitiorum, p. 235 ff. 


long forms the foundation of the Constitution. Every factor of the 
State life comes directly into relationship therewith, and receives 
therefrom its function. The highest common power is not a power 
bound up with the personality of the ruler, but is the authority of the 
Holy Crown (iurisdictio Sacra regni Corona) ; the high rights of the 
State are no longer the rights of the royal majesty, but of the Holy 
Crown rights due to the Holy Crown as an ideal personality, and 
passed on to the King through it. 

The dominion of the State is the territory of the Holy Crown, the 
royal revenues are the revenues of the Holy Crown (bona vel peculia 
Sacra regni Corona] ; and so long as the constitutional law of owner- 
ship, the so-called "Avitizitat" of King Louis the Great, existed, 
every right of free ownership was derived from the Holy Crown as its 
root (radix omnium possessionum\ and reverted to the Holy Crown 
after the extinction of the lineal descendants. The Hungarian 
donational system was therefore based, contrary to Western feudal 
constitutional ownership, not upon private but upon public law. The 
donation was exclusively an act of public law enacted by the royal 
wearer of the Holy Crown. 

From the mystery of the Holy Crown proceeds the theory that 
in it the nation is one with the King. All who derive their inheri- 
tance from the Crown were once members of the Holy Crown 
{membra Sacra regni Corona), and as such participated in the exer- 
cise of the public powers belonging to it ; but to-day, since the laws 
of 1848 have decreed the equality of the citizenship of the whole 
Hungarian people, all who inhabit the territory of the Holy Crown 
form, in union with the royal wearer thereof, that united whole in 
public law, that living organism called in mediaeval documents " the 
whole body of the Holy Crown" (totum corpus Sacra regni Corona), 
but which to-day we call the State. 

This theory is by no means derived from clerical representations ; 
it does not demonstrate the mediaeval Mystery of Christ, nor does it 
bear any genetic relation thereto. Here we have to do with a real 
construction of State law. It is the peculiar creation of the con- 
stitutional development of the Hungarian people, and even to-day 
forms the central point of Hungarian State law. 

The idea and the nature of the transferred common power have 
already been clearly and definitely formulated by Verboczy in his 
Tripartitum (tit. 3, 6, p. i), accepted by the Diet in 1514, as it had 
never before that time been recognised in Western Europe, not even 
in England. The State Constitution founded on the theory of the 
Holy Crown stands, by virtue of its legal basis and forms, much 
nearer to the constitutions of modern States than to the feudal 
constitution of the Middle Ages proper, and to the absolute 


patrimonial constitution of later periods, both of which are based on 
the rules and forms of private law. It could therefore withstand the 
invasion of the newer ideas of State longer than the feudal and 
absolute constitutions of the West. Even the transformation which 
the Constitution underwent in 1848, when the equality of all citizens 
before the law was recognised, was in reality but an extension of its 
fundamental principles. 

Every function of State authority obtains a legal character and 
constitutional form. Thus the legislative power appears beside it as 
a constitutional power shared alike by King and Nation. 

Already in the reign of King Sigismund the fundamental prin- 
ciple of law was laid down that a law, to be valid, could only be 
created by King and Parliament acting in concert. Only when the 
whole body of the Hungarian Crown (to turn corpus Sacra regni 
Corona}, that is to say, the crowned King and the members of the 
Holy Crown were present in legislation, could laws be made. This 
important principle of State law is very precisely formulated by 
Verboczy in his Tripartitum. In this way the exact difference 
between law and ordinance was established. 

The individual will of the King cannot create a law. A law is 
the unanimously expressed will of King and Parliament, i.e., the will 
of the Holy Crown, which can never be re-enacted by royal decree, 
neither can it be nullified. Decisions issued without the consent of 
Parliament for instance, the ordinances of the Great Council are 
ordinances only, and not laws. Whence it follows that the royal 
ordinances may be revised or abolished at any time, in short, by the 
one party only ; while the laws can only be altered or abrogated by 
the mutual consent of King and Parliament, since the law (according 
to Verboczy) binds the King also. 

Under the rule of the Habsburgs the right of Parliament to 
share in the making of laws has never been questioned, notwith- 
standing the strenuous absolutist endeavours made from time to 

The best proof of this is furnished by the history of Act XXII. of 
1604, which was added arbitrarily by King Rudolph to the decrees 
of Parliament. After the successful insurrection of Stephen Bocskay, 
it was declared in Article I. of the Peace of Vienna that the Act 
referred to should be abolished, having been entered without the 
consent of the Diet. 

The competence of Parliament extends without restriction and 
exception to all affairs of State ; no kind of State affairs appertaining 
to Parliament can be withdrawn from its competence. There are no 
absolute prerogatives or reserved rights over which Parliament has 
not a restrictive influence. The constitutional character of the 


transferred sovereign rights excludes entirely the idea of any such 
reserved rights. The royal prerogatives are constituted and limited 
by the Legislature. This conception of State law is expressed in 
Act XI. of 1741 : " The Queen at Court will avail herself of the sup- 
port and advice of her faithful Hungarian subjects on all matters 
proceeding from the supreme power, in accordance with her discretion 
and royal position." 

From the Golden Bull to the present time our laws consist of 
innumerable decisions in which the royal prerogatives are fixed and 
the exercise thereof limited. As with the legislative power, so also 
with the executive ; especially in matters pertaining to War, Finance, 
and Judicature, which are divided between the wearer of the Holy 
Crown and the members thereof. This division probably came about 
through feudal influences and provisions which outweighed the 
principles of individuality, and thus detracted from the principle 
of sovereignty, representing State interests. But it never went 
the length of annihilating the unity of the State embodied in the 
idea of the Holy Crown. That would be to put in its place the 
dualism of sovereign rights and legislative rights, after the example 
of the patrimonial monarchies of the West. 

The development of the State law theory of the Holy Crown 
brought about important changes, especially in so far as the exercise 
of financial power was concerned. The royal domains and revenues 
are now the property of the Holy Crown, of which the King can no 
longer dispose freely and absolutely. In this way the theory of 
inalienable Crown lands was developed. Further, without the consent 
of the Diet the King can only claim the ancient revenues of the 
Royal Treasury, to which from time immemorial belong the revenues 
from the mint and the technically designated " Portal Duty " (lucrum 
camera;}. In the event of an exceptional or war tax (contributio, 
dica, or subsidium\ this rule of law has been held valid from the 
beginning that the King can neither impose nor collect taxes 
without the consent of the Diet. King and Parliament together 
that is to say, the totum corpus Sacra regni Corona must determine 
the object of the tax, the amount thereof and exemptions therefrom, 
and frequently the mode of levying the tax. Article I. of the Decree 
of 1504 surrounds with a special guarantee this highly important 
right of the Diet, which to-day is the foundation of the so-called 
Budget Law. Should a county consent to the King levying any 
taxes not sanctioned by the Diet, the nobles of that county would be 
excluded in perpetuity from the community of the nobles. The 
right of the Diet to vote taxes has since that time never been 

As regards the administration of justice and government, too, 


the longer they last the more thoroughly does the character of an 
exclusively royal administration vanish. The members of the Holy 
Crown participate therein in an ever-increasing measure. The 
members of the Privy and restricted Royal Council and the Royal 
Courts of Justice owe their position, attained by degrees, not only 
to the King's confidence, but to their appointment by the Diet. 
The first Government official, the Palatine, who receives his office 
from the united will of the King and the Diet, is especially the official 
of the Holy Crown, whence he derives his power and authority to 
defend equally the rights of the wearer and members of the Holy 
Crown, and as opposed to the King to represent the nation. The 
election of the Palatine is the natural consequence of the theory of 
the Holy Crown. The same observation applies equally to the 
Crown Guards, also officials of the Holy Crown, and who are also 
appointed by the common will of King and Diet. This peculiar 
institution has no counterpart in the States of the West. nom arIT 

The history of the Hungarian Constitution in the Middle Ages 
tells us, further, of an evolution which was most appropriate, in that it 
afforded the most comprehensive influence over the Executive. Ac- 
cording to Article XXIII. of the Decree of 1298 (King Andrew III.'s 
so-called Council Law), the King is obliged to maintain at court 
two bishops alternately for three months at a time, together with an 
equal number of nobles elected by the Diet to the Council. Should 
the King fail to comply with this provision, all he might decide upon 
in the absence of the aforesaid Council, with regard to large dona- 
tions or appointments to office, would be treated as non-obligatory, 
nv/ This Council Law of Andrew III. cannot in any sense be 
regarded as imitating the Council Laws of Western Europe. It 
approaches far more nearly to the idea of ministerial responsibility 
than it resembles the institutions of West European States for the 
introduction of elected Council Boards such States, for example, as 
England, Aragon, and Castile. We do not find in any of them the 
principle laid down that the validity of the royal enactments 
depended upon the co-operation of the Council, tnnic- 

The Hungarian nation was the first to discover a method of 
controlling the royal power, which method forms the basis of the 
representative ministerial government of later times. 

The other principle of this kind of government, viz., that the 
King's counsellors can be called to account, not only for remissness 
in the performance of their official duties if in violation of the law, 
but also politically, if the act be against the welfare of the country 
finally and completely succeeded only after the lapse of two 
centuries, when it was enacted by the Council Law of King Wladis- 
laus II. (Decree of 1507). ui juonnrj-jvo^ linJn 


In England the same evolution took place under more favourable 
circumstances ; the Privy (or continual] Council being chosen from 
the responsible ministry, thereby forming the parliamentary system 
of government, which is based upon the principle of ministerial 
responsibility. The evolution of the English Constitution is doubt- 
less the more complete, as before Edward III. the English kings 
opposed a constant and successful resistance to the demands for the 
election of the royal counsellors and public functionaries. In 
Hungary the greater acquisition of the Diet, the right of election 
(or at least co-election) of the royal counsellors, turned out to be 
mischievous, since it signified the weakening of the royal authority 
and subordinated the King to the supremacy of factions in the 

But after the disaster of Mohdcs the Royal Council ceased 
altogether to be the restricting factor in the King's executive power. 
The more emphatically was expressed the requirement of the theory 
of the Holy Crown in the Palatinate especially in the r61e of the 
Palatine as the necessary representative of the King during his 
absence abroad that the nation, i.e., the entire members of the 
Holy Crown, should act as the executive power and thus prevent 
the arbitrary use of the Crown. 

The influence of this ancient Hungarian constitutional establish- 
ment was evidenced also in the setting up of a responsible ministry, 
as provided by Act TIL, 1848, 2. "In the absence of His 
Majesty from the country, the Palatine and Royal Lieutenant 
(Statthalter) exercises with plenary authority the executive power 
in Hungary and its provinces, by warrant of the unity of Crown 
and Realm." 

In 1867 the appointment of the Palatine was suspended for an 
indefinite period. 

Another highly important provision of the Hungarian Con- 
stitution, intended to limit the executive power of the King, is the 
self-government and autonomy of the counties. The idea also of 
the County Commons (universitas nobilium) was developed on the 
basis of the authority of the Holy Crown. The County Commons, 
equal in rights to the English counties, on the one hand, perform 
their functions as Noble Commons, on the basis of the State's 
transference of the executive power, within their own boundaries, 
independently, through their own members ; on the other hand, 
they conduct their own affairs, independently, within the limits of 
the law ; and this constitutes true autonomy. 

The self-government of the counties reached the climax of its 
constitutional importance when they deemed it their right and duty 
to control the central government in regard to the legal use of the 


Constitution, and to decline the execution of unconstitutional State 
ordinances. The counties claimed the " Right of Remonstrance " 
on the basis of Act XXXIII. of 1545, found among other principles 
of State law, in opposition to the illegal royal ordinances. If this 
had failed of the desired result, they would then have taken refuge 
in another remedy vis inertia, or passive resistance thereby 
delaying the execution of the unsatisfactory ordinance. 

Every county, as a Noble Common, as a Common of the 
members of the Holy Crown, with the Lord-Lieutenant (the King's 
representative) at its head, represents the whole body of the Holy 
Crown figuratively speaking, the State in miniature. It shares in 
the power, and as a complete organism, it shares also in an 
independent manner in the life of the Holy Crown. 

The fulfilment of the theory of the public rights of the Holy 
Crown, and the right of possession connected therewith, procured 
for the towns of Hungary an immense legal importance, in securing 
to them the rights and privileges of a state of the Realm. 

On the ground of their rights of free possession, the towns be- 
came noble personalities members of the Holy Crown and as 
such shared in the exercise of the public power pertaining to the 
Holy Crown. Since the reign of King Sigismund they have, in fact, 
been permanently represented in the Diet. They remain, indeed, 
more dependent upon the Holy Crown than the other nobles. This 
greater dependence has been especially expressed in the payment 
of certain property-taxes in favour of the royal power, which could 
not be levied on the other nobles. The Royal Free Towns are the 
property of the Holy Crown : bona et peculia Sacrce regni Corona. 

Upon membership of the Holy Crown i.e., upon the collective 
nobility of the town is also based the legal position as to citizen- 
ship in a town. The ordinary citizen is not an immediate member 
of the Holy Crown, nor a noble, nor does he participate in the 
freedom of the nobility, except of a particular town or free citizen- 
ship. This development also has no analogy in the evolution of the 
constitutions of Western States. 

Since the Hungarian nation regarded the Holy Crown as the 
symbol of the State, and saw personified in it the supreme power of 
the State, the legal axiom must have obtained that the coronation 
necessarily implied the constitutional ownership of the royal power. 

A law prescribing the coronation was quite unnecessary. Any 
such law was substituted in an efficient manner by the active national 
comprehension of law that considered the legality of the royal power 
to be dependent upon the coronation. By the Decree of 1687 and 
the Pragmatic Sanction of 1723, the Hungarian nation, indeed, 
waived its right to the election of the King in favour of the 



primogenitive succession of the House of Habsburg. Nevertheless 
the heir-apparent derives his power in law only through the Holy 
Crown. Act II. of 1687, as well as the Pragmatic Sanction, contain 
the clearly expressed provision that the King must be crowned before 
he can execute diplomas of guarantee or take the oath of fidelity to 
the Constitution. 

Without the coronation there is no legitimate Sovereign, no 
legal authority, for (according to Verboczy) there is no binding 
allegiance, as the perfectly free members of the Nation, the nobles, 
are only bound to the power of a legally crowned King (rex legitime 

This primitive political conception, which is also expressed 
in Act III. of 1790, declares that the coronation must take place, 
without opposition (tnomtssi), within six months of the King's 
accession to the throne. 

During this interval the hereditary King (hareditarius rex) is 
only permitted to exercise a circumscribed governing power. The 
conferring of privileges, under which according to an ancient 
Hungarian law is comprehended the sanctioning of laws, is the 
prerogative only of a legally crowned monarch. If the interval, 
as prescribed by law, for the coronation, be allowed to expire, the 
continuity of law is broken ; the deeds and ordinances of the 
hereditary King become null and void from the point of view of 
public law. He has therefore no authority to sanction laws, neither 
can he exercise the supreme power in any legal manner. 

With the institution of the coronation two important constitu- 
tional guarantees are closely connected : the Oath of Fidelity to 
the Constitution and the Diploma of Guarantee ; the one repre- 
senting the religious and the other the documentary guarantee of 
the constitutional jurisdiction of the Hungarian State. 

The coronation must take place at the Diet convoked for that 
purpose. Moreover, a fundamental principle of Hungarian law 
enjoins that, at the coronation, the Holy Crown of St. Stephen 
must be used. According to the national consciousness the mystery, 
*>., the constitutional effect, of the coronation, is bound up with 
the Holy Crown. This is proved satisfactorily enough by the 
history of the coronation of Andrew III., Charles Robert, Wladrs- 
laus I., and Matthias I. 

In the Holy Crown is embodied the political unity of the Realm 
of St. Stephen, embracing also the adjacent lands, for those, too, 
are members of the Holy Crown. 

Just as there is only one crown, the symbol of the supreme 
power and personifying its possessor, so there is but one uniform 
royal power. The coronation, the coronation oath, the diploma 


of guarantee, all are uniform for the whole Hungarian realm, just 
as the citizenship of the Hungarian State is also uniform*., m orfJ teo'// 

The thousand years' existence of the Hungarian nation as an 
organised political state is bound up indissolubly with the Holy 
Crown ; and the constitutional and international independence of 
the Hungarian nation stands or falls with the Holy Crown. From 
the general public consciousness of this relationship may be ex- 
plained the strong monarchical sentiments of the Hungarian people, 
which is without doubt manifested so vividly in no other European 
nation. The Hungarian nation beholds in the Holy Crown her 
greatest guarantee the palladium of her constitutional life and 

[Pajxr submitted in English.-}. ^ rfqoanfirfq 

m ibni arl} bnjj ,9'iutR>? io jsnwrtofitHlq wli ( bh'v/ If. 

!>n; -,'i>: r r.ixprf ?.}} bus ,f.vo( eJi ,<<wonpfe Ji rijiw ^.xiv.vobe 


:TX>JJ ad oiom ou HAJD bhow sldir.rj fstn srlT .!u<v. jutivjl vvr/9 
Professor of Law at the University of Dorpat, Russia. 
rifi-*/ Jtf^nias^.pw} 3r- r 3f{j to yrlqoc irlq yrfT .vJhrfD l/^ittvit'iu 

THE long struggle of the Western and Eastern worlds, which we 
trace throughout history, is not a mere expression of animosity 
between two races ; it represents the collision of two different 
standards of life, two systems of thought. In spite of all that we 
do to bring together the East and the West, we see that they always 
contain something foreign to each other, something profoundly 
opposed and frequently hostile. 

This difference is due to the mental complexion of the races, 
the disposition of their minds. Nations organise their life and 
compose their social relations according to the way in which they 
grasp the meaning of their existence. No doubt, the general lines 
of human psychology are the same everywhere and common to all 
races ; our assurance of the ultimate pacification and unification of 
humanity is based precisely on that fact. All nations are sociable, 
and are in quest of happiness ; but they understand it in different 
ways. The contrast between the East and the West is seen best 
in the exalted province of their ideology, their latest effort to under- 
stand their life and the existence of the world. But when we pass 
the limits of this lofty spiritual life, the province of the most perfect 
expressions of the mind of the race, and descend to the lower sphere 
of the material life, we find a very slight difference between them, 
and this difference is often accidental, a difference of details, external, 


not internal and essential. We find in the East as well as in the 
West the mass of the people living the semi-conscious life of a sensual 
and almost animal nature. We see that there is no essential differ- 
ence between the sceptical materialism of Europe and the positivism 
of China; between the atheistic free-thought and irreligion that 
exist in the West and the indifference of the Chinese masses to 
questions of faith, and their equal readiness to accept the most diverse 

If, however, we turn to the province of the highest productions of 
the mind, we at once detect in the East the ancient tendency towards 
a negative universalism of the moral conscience. At the very dawn 
of the Eastern civilisation we meet two systems of pessimistic 
philosophy, the systems of Sakya-mouni and of Lao-tse. The ex- 
ternal world, the phenomena of nature, and the individual con- 
sciousness with its sorrows, its joys, and its hopes, are illusory and 
deceptive ; all divisions of men are imaginary ; nothing is real but 
the love, the sympathy, and the universal compassion, which inspires 
every living soul. The real visible world can no more be accepted 
than a mirage ; the very foundations of material life are rejected. 
From that principle we get asceticism and the preaching of 
universal chanty. The philosophy of these two pessimists was 
embodied in the religious systems of Buddhism and Taoism. 

While the negative universalism of the Buddhist is peculiar to 
the East in the province of the purely religious consciousness, the 
idea of order, as the ideal of social arrangement, is familiar 
to it in the field of social convictions. Society is conceived, 
not as something fluid, changing, and evolving, but as an unchangeable 
equilibrium, as a certain order confined within eternal limits. This 
exaggeration of the idea of order, as if it were a foundation of 
society, is in China associated with an exclusive cult of the past. 
This cult of the past becomes in Confucianism the real cult of the 
gods. And when all the social relations are established once for 
all, and the dead ancestors dominate the actual life, the individual 
disappears in the species, and the social principle triumphs definitively 
over the individual principle. The too narrow adoration of the past 
leads to a contempt of the present and, necessarily, to the denial of 
the future. 

The fundamental and general character of the Oriental mind is 
seen in its detachment from life and in its leaning towards a purely 
mystical conception of the world. 

Differently from the East, the West, with its Aryan race, has 
leaned from immemorial time toward the pagan spirit, the cult of the 
living forces of external nature. To accept the world is just as 
characteristic of the West as to reject it is of the East. The Aryan 


delights in the varying world of natural phenomena ; he does not 
mortify, but loves and adorns, the flesh. He has a simple belief 
in the reality of this resplendent world, with its brilliant colours and 
its harmonious sounds. He lives in the present, and knows not the 
cult of the past His eye is always toward the present Hence his 
victories over the forces of nature, the marvels of his technical 
skill, the so-called advantages of civilisation. 

Not only the present in the narrow sense of the word, but also 
that further expression of it the future, attracts the man of the West 
His mind is steeped with the idea of progress, development, evolution. 
Everything is open to improvement, and therefore capable of reform 
and destruction. This progress is brought about by the action of 
individual forces. The social order is not a rigid mechanism, but 
an organic body, in which there is a constant dynamic evolution. 
The collective principle does not destroy individuality ; the per- 
sonality seeks always to affirm its power* >kifjj; 

The mind of Europe, and of the West generally, is characterised 
by its realism and its tendency to positivism. In its knowledge of 
the world it trusts especially to the senses and its reasoning faculty. 
It is therefore, in philosophy, inclined to rationalism and empiricism. 
Even in religion it leads toward a rationalistic explanation of the 
ineffable divine mysteries, and it even tries in Protestantism to obtain 
a rational understanding of mystical Christianity. 

The mystic life is not, however, wholly inaccessible to the Aryan 
world. It has more than once admitted the mystic creations of the 
East ; but, in harmony with its practical and vital character, it 
endeavours to introduce even into mysticism the utmost clearness of 
mind, precision, and arrangement Catholic Christianity is a similar 
Aryan elaboration of the religious mysticism of the East. 

Even to-day, in spite of the return to the old pagan spirit, we still 
find in Europe a vital struggle of mediaeval Christianity against the 
pagan renascence. 

In the last century we can detect a movement in the direction of 
the Buddhist spirit of the East, not in the express shape of the 
Buddhist religion, which is itself far removed from the profoundly 
detached spirit of its founder, but in the shape of a spread of those 
pessimistic convictions which are responsible for the success of the 
philosophies of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, and Guyau. In this new 
note we have a rejection of the old princely and overpowering 
joyfulness of the Aryan. 


The decree of fate has placed Russia at the junction of the East 
and the West. In that circumstance we must seek the conditions of 


its history. It is a situation that imposes on it grave duties and a 
great mission. All the sufferings, the miserable discords, the trouble, 
and the constant efforts which run through the whole life of the 
Russian people are, just as much as its achievements and its 
conquests, the outcome of its intermediate situation. In the great 
conflict between the genius of the East and that of the West, the 
part of reconciler naturally fell to Russia. This synthetic action of 
Russia is based on its twofold nature, its profound dualism. The 
two hostile elements the Mongol element of the East and the Aryan 
element of the West are blended in Russia. It is the real two-faced 
Janus. Europe and Asia conduct their age-long quarrel within its 
confines, and its Imperial emblem, the two-headed eagle, is a perfect 
symbol of this duplication of the political principle of Russia. And 
this very emblem bears, on the breast of the eagle, the symbol of the 
final triumph over this dualism : Saint George destroying the 
dragon (the ancient emblem of Muscovy). 

' -From the first the history of Russia is full of the struggle of the 
East and the West. The Russian tribes had continually to deal 
with the peoples of the East, the Huns and the Avars, even at a 
time when the Russian State was not yet constituted from the 
fourth to the seventh century. Then came the Khosars and the 
Petchenegs. St. Vladimir, who introduced Christianity, built 
fortresses on the western frontier against the peoples of Asia. 
After the time of Jaroslav the Wise, the Polvetz made their 
appearance, and assailed the Russian territory for two centuries. At 
length, in the middle of the thirteenth century, there is a furious 
encounter, and the domination of the Tartars is established for two 
centuries. From the time of the Muscovite Tsar Ivan III., we find a 
pronounced movement in the opposite direction, a movement of 
Russia toward the peoples of Asia. The steppe is unbounded ; its 
fringes are lost in the infinite horizon. The frontiers of Russia 
advance farther and farther until the moment when, at length, the 
Russian Cossacks make their appearance on the shores of the great 
ocean. In the eighteenth century the Crimea and New Russia are 
conquered. In the nineteenth, the Caucasus and Turkestan. The 
whole thousand years of Russian history have been spent in heavy 
and constant warfare against the nomadic peoples and the States of 
the East. This long intercourse on the field of battle involuntarily 
gives a certain Oriental impress to Russia ; a large number of 
Oriental peoples have become subject to it ; its political frontiers 
largely coincide with those of Turkey, Persia, and China. 

But at the same time the whole aspiration of Russia is toward 
Europe. It has adopted the Byzantine form of Christianity, and 
for a long time it maintained a commerce with the Hanseatic free 


towns. Since the reforms of Peter the Great it has resolutely 
undertaken its complete Europeanisation. Constitutional and 
administrative reforms are carried out in the spirit of European 
politics, and great efforts are made to assimilate the science of the. 
West. Its art, flourishing luxuriantly in its popular inspiration, 
passes completely on to the lines of European aesthetics, and takes 
part in the general advance of the artistic history of the West. AH 
the scientific, philosophical, political, and social movements of the 
West have a pronounced echo in Russia, and the story of , its 
civilisation cannot be detached from that of Europe generally.-, iobrioJ 
These two antagonistic principles are the causes of the painful 
moral and political struggle which characterises the recent history of 
Russia. On the one hand is the really Asiatic principle of an 
unchangeable political order order at any cost. That is the 
reactionary movement. Theorists set forth the pure Oriental ideal 
of an absolute State, in which the monarch is not merely the 
dispenser of power by divine right, but is himself a viceregent of 
God. The autocratic doctrine of these theorists entirely resembles 
the Chinese theory of an unchangeable celestial empire, in which 
the emperor is regarded as the Son of Heaven. The state, the 
political organisation, has an ecclesiastical complexion ; it is, in other 
words, regarded as divine which is blasphemous from the Christian 
point of view. Society is, in conformity with Oriental ideas, 
conceived as a rigid and definitive equilibrium of certain given 
relations. Everything must be regulated, as in a hive of bees ; order 
must reign throughout ; the generations which succeed each other 
must be merely so many stereotyped proofs of those that preceded. 
The complete denial and dread of progress, and the unlimited political 
absolutism, are merely a striking expression of the Oriental element.. 
Religion itself is, in this case, a blind, traditional religion, almost 
more polytheistic than Christian ; because the saints, the icons, and 
the ceremonies lose their meaning as symbols and means, and 
become idols and ends. 

0^ As a complementary colour to this divinisation of the actual we 
then find a radically opposed and irreconcilably hostile movement 
though from the same source and, on the whole, of the same spirit 
the Nihilist movement. The Nihilist movement keeps pace with 
absolutism like a shrill note of accompaniment. In its nature it is 
purely Eastern, and entirely alien to the Aryan spirit of the West. 
This denial of all absolute values, this tendency to destroy everything 
and reject all authority, is really Buddhistic. Our imperfect world, 
with all its illusory conventions, and its complex social and psychic 
combinations, is reviled with a fervour that is Oriental, mystic, 
sombre, and obscure. This Buddhistic- Nihilist rejection of the 


world is imperfectly expressed in numbers of mystic popular sects. 
It made its appearance, without recognising its own true nature, in 
revolutionary Anarchism ; it even made an impression on such 
representatives of the intellectual world, if not of genius, as Leo 

We have expounded the two most expressive theoretical 
indications of the Eastern element in the Russian nature which are 
completely alien to the Western world. But the Western element is 
also found in the Russian character. If the Mongolian absolutist 
tendency and the Buddhist tendency to Nihilism have found their 
place especially in the Government and in the people, the middle and 
so-called " intellectual class " betrays an exaggerated leaning to the 
most characteristic Western principles the denial of religious faith 
and of mystic knowledge, the exclusive acceptance of science, belief 
in progress, positivism and rationalism, and the limitation of men's 
aims to the realisation of the Kingdom of God on this earth only. 
This tendency may very well be described as the religion of 
humanity, the apotheosis of man. 

This Western tendency, excluding every divine principle from the 
life of man, seems to be profoundly atheistic. Religion is a prejudice 
in its view ; there is no mystic insight into the hidden things of the 
world ; power is a thing created by men themselves. From that we 
get the democratic principle of the sovereignty of the people and 
the ethic of utilitarianism, or the consecration of egoism. From that 
also we get the idea of class-war and of social egoism, the contempt 
of tradition, of every established habit of life, and, in fine, an exclusive 
tendency toward a purely intellectual education. 

The Western tendency, however, starting from the opposite 
direction to that of Orientalism if we may give that name to 
Absolutism and Nihilism and making the complete circuit of 
evolution, has reached the same result : the denial of the meaning of 
life. The existence of the world is, when we exclude a divine 
purpose, absurd. The existence of man, that fortuitous, temporal, 
and mortal phenomenon, is equally absurd, because it has no 
foundation. Society itself is absurd, because it is doomed to 
disappear like each individual thing, and, like everything in a world 
predestined to eternal destruction, and destitute of any divine 
inspiration, it has within it no eternal and intrinsic value. 

Thus the Western and Eastern tendencies meet in their final and 
extreme consequences ; but the result is purely negative. It leads to 
the destruction of the meaning of life, and we do not find in it the 
synthesis we seek. 

The synthesis is to be found, nevertheless. It has been made more 
than once, and we often find traces of it in the history of the Russian 


spirit. The Slavophiles were inspired by it. As a rule, the Slavo- 
philes are opposed to the " Occidentals " (as the champions of Western 
civilisation are called in Russia), and quite wrongly, in my opinion. 
The real struggle is between the absolutists and the democrats, the 
reactionaries and the radical intellectual class. These two parties are 
in agreement in principle. The doctrine of the Slavophiles is engaged 
from the start in a double combat, against the relative falseness of 
these two tendencies. It is profoundly dualistic, and at the same 
time synthetic in its fundamental principle. 

A certain exclusivism may, no doubt, be found in the Slavophiles. 
They had a good deal of natural pride. They had, perhaps, the 
correct point of view in regard to the great part to be played by Russia ; 
but they were not sufficiently conscious of the synthetic character of 
that part. 

The correct procedure is to oppose, not the West to Russia (as the 
Slavophiles did), but the West to the East ; to regard Russia as at the 
same time alien from and identical with the Eastern element and the 
Western element in their abstract principles. The mistake of the 
Slavophiles was to make an abyss where there was no such thing, and 
ought not to be. They were wrong in maintaining that the European 
spirit is exclusively characterised by a positivistic, materialistic, and 
destructive tendency. They understood the destiny of Russia to be 
the realisation of the Christian ideal ; but they forgot that the great 
synthesis of Christianity was effected by Europe, and that, if the 
Europe of to-day begins to dissociate itself from it, in a narrow 
development of its older principles the principles of the Renaissance, 
the Aryan, and the Pagan it has not entirely forgotten it, and still 
bears within it the living God of Christianity. 

But the Slavophiles, especially their deepest representative, 
W. Solovien, rightly understood that the great synthesis of universal 
realisations is to be found in a regenerated Christianity. We have in 
Christianity a universalism that is positive, not negative. Christianity, 
like Buddhism, recognises no absolute value except in eternal life, and 
places the moral ideal only in universal love ; but, in harmony with 
the Aryan spirit, it denies neither the material and temporal world nor 
the labour of man. The Aryan idea of progress and of self-assertion 
is seen in the conception of the Kingdom of God (the domain of the 
real and eternal life), not as an established fact, but as the great goal 
of the collective work of humanity, of the action of the universal 
Church. The ideal of universal charity is also conceived as an ideal 
of active love, realised in the historical efforts of the whole of 
humanity in their successive social forms. Christianity teaches the 
means to attain the eternal goal in this temporal life. It is a belief, 
not only in the immortality of the soul, but also in the resurrection of 


the flesh. Matter and mind are reconciled in its synthesis. The 
history of the human race and the Kingdom of God are not two 
opposite things ; they are interdependent and closely united. History 
is an advance, from the Christian point of view. The Christian 
philosophy is evolutionary, but with this great difference from the 
" evolutionary theory," in the strict sense of the word, that it perceives 
the final goal of this evolution, and seeks to guide it. IIR&. 

The genius of Russia, in its highest synthetic manifestations, has 
always reconciled the East and the West ; witness Peter the Great in? 
politics, Puchkine in poetry, Solovien in philosophy, and Tolstoi in 
religion and morals! 

Leo Tolstoi, especially, was a very typical example of the dual 
character of the Russian soul, with its union of East and West. The 
doctrines of not resisting evil by force, universal charity, and the 
rejection of external goods, have an Oriental complexion ; while his 
Christianity, belief in immortality, and active efforts for the improve- 
ment of humanity, are Western in their nature. The spiritual world 
of Tolstoi, with its imperfect equilibrium, is generally characteristic 
of Russian life. 

fit vrtov// 
. TO t 

dijeivhifcoq r. TO t>3?.hMDirurb ^itvi?.j/bx fei ' 
If, however, the work of Russia in the mutual approach of East 
and West is carried on chiefly within its own confines by the difficult 
construction of the higher synthesis of life, it is not wholly confined to 
the internal life of Russia, but goes beyond its frontiers. And the first 
problem we have to face is to determine what attitude Russia ought 
to adopt in regard to the yellow races, Japan and, especially, China. 

Japan never was, either in its history or in its national character- 
an enterprising, progressive, chivalrous, and warlike character -a dis- 
tinctively Oriental country ; which shows that the spirit of the East 
does not depend so much on racial elements as on a whole series of 
historical conditions. Japan has, by its rapid Europeanisation, its 
grasp and penetration of the spirit of the West, proved that racial 
Differences will not prevent the white and yellow peoples from drawing 
together, when we have discovered the common ground for their 
mutual approach. 

Now that Japan has resolutely gone over to the side of the West, 
the feeling of dread of the East, in which the Westerner, by some 
atavistic influence, sees something menacing and hostile, is concen,- 
trated upon China, It is, assuredly, a world in itself; some hundreds 
of millions of men of different origin, having in common a peculiar 
civilisation, a special tradition, and a different cast of mind. China is 
the centre of the great problem of " Panmongolism," and of ti> 
*' Yellow Peril." ,{j n j Ofc | , jon 


Before we decide what ought to be the attitude of Russia in regard 
to this problem, we must first understand the real nature of the yellow 

The yellow peril may, first of all, be conceived as a danger arising, 
not on the part of the yellow races, but on account of them. Even in 
the time of Marco Polo, China was famous for its fabulous wealth, 
and later exploration and study have not merely failed to destroy the 
ancient legends, but actually shown, them to fall short of the truth. 
The extraordinary fertility of the soil and the abundance of flowing 
water yield the richest harvests of cotton, tea, rice, and silk ; the 
treasures buried in the bowels of the earth are still richer, as coal, 
copper, lead, and iron are found in immense quantities. At the same 
time the axis of the world, which was previously shifted from the 
Mediterranean to the Atlantic, is now gradually shifting to the 
Pacific. It is surrounded by populous nations, and a rich and new 
life is developing in its innumerable archipelagos. When the 
Panama Canal is completed, and the western shores of North 
and South America and the Polynesian Islands have a denser 
population, the centre of gravity of the globe will necessarily 
be shifted to the Pacific. It is natural that certain of the Western 
Powers should seek to take up preponderant positions in that region, 
and this gives rise to rivalry and hostility. The yellow peril and the 
question of the Far East may in the end become a real peril, a 
menace of struggles and wars between the Powers of the West for a 
predominant influence in the Far East. That would be a grave 
danger, seeing that a European war might, in the present circum- 
stances, lead to a great enfeeblement of the Aryan race and put it 
at the mercy of the united Mongols. In this regard the place of 
Russia is to prevent a European war with all its strength, by means 
of alliances and good understandings. Russia, as the nearest Power 
to the East, and therefore the most sensible of the importance and 
gravity of the problem, should seek first of all to establish an 
equilibrium of the white peoples, in order to prevent them from 
losing their strength in such a struggle, and so giving the necessary 
counterpoise to the peoples of the East. It ought, in fine, to establish 
a world-wide equilibrium of the white and yellow peoples. 
.3!< But the yellow peril is usually understood to mean the danger of 
a direct attack of the yellow races upon the peoples of the West. 
This is the peril with which our literature and press constantly deal, 
and on which our politicians reflect with a certain anxiety. It often 
rises as a threatening spectre on the far political horizon. This 
concern is not wholly without foundation. Who knows what changes 
may not take place in the relation of the various forces of the world 
when millions of new men enter the arena of its commerce ? What 


will happen when these masses of people are armed in accordance 
with the latest demands of military technics? What will be the 
effect on general civilisation of this introduction of nations with a 
different civilisation and entirely different principles of life? 

On reflection, however, we must recognise that the dread of the 
yellow peril is greatly exaggerated and, if a wise policy be adopted, 
misplaced. The military peril naturally seems to be very great. But 
we must not estimate the military strength of nations by their number 
only. Wars are not ballots, conducted on the principle of universal 
suffrage, and the victory is not always on the side of the majority. 
The chief importance in military struggles lies in the psychological 
forces and the way in which they are organised. 

From what we know of the psychological qualities of the Chinese 
population, as distinguished from the Japanese, the warlike spirit 
has no roots in them. The contrast to Japan is explained by the 
profound difference in the history of the two States. The psycho- 
logical character, and the warlike spirit in particular, take centuries to 
form, and it is difficult to imagine that the character of a people can 
easily change. The other military factor is a solid organisation of 
the available forces. In this organisation the most important part is 
played by the general political cohesion, the financial and other 
material resources, the ardour for the war, the harmony of the action 
of the rulers, etc. Now, the State-organisation in Western civilisation 
is incomparably stronger than it is in the East, and in order to attain 
it China would have completely to transform and reform itself on the 
European model. But a reformed China will no longer be alien. It 
will approach the West, enter into international commerce, and be 
compelled to submit to the general laws of the equilibrium of the 
world. Humanity is always most closely drawn together by the 
bonds of solidarity. The great development in our own time of 
alliances and treaties between different States enables us to foresee, 
not as a dream, but as a reality, the international organisation of 
humanity in one political and federated body. China will be com- 
pelled to enter this union, or else it will have to deal with the rest of 
the human race ; and in that case it will face the unbroken ranks of 
the human army. 

The economic peril on the part of China is still less inevitable. 
People dread the immigration of Chinese workers, fear that wages 
will be lowered in the countries to which they migrate, and are con- 
cerned about the commercial and industrial competition they may 
experience from a reformed China. The United States, Australia, 
Canada, and other countries have already closed their doors against 
the Chinese worker. 

We will not enter here upon an examination of the economic laws 


which, we think, show the fallacy of the economic peril of China. 
China has not so dense a population that its workers cannot, with 
the progress of its own industries, find a market for their labour in 
their own country. The population of England is three times as 
dense as the population of China. If the industrialisation of China 
and the exploitation of its resources increase production, there will 
be a corresponding increase of consumption. If it sells more, the 
country will purchase more. Its budget will be larger. With the 
results of the new economic form, China will experience new 

There remains the moral "yellow peril." We do not see any 
absolute error even in the idea of an immutable social order, the cult 
of ancestors, or the negative universalism of Buddhism, but merely 
sound elements of a larger truth. These ideas indeed are an 
excellent antidote to the one-sidedness of European ways of think- 
ing. There is a greater peril in the gross positivism and practical 
materialism of the great mass of the people of China, but that is a 
danger everywhere. The crude animal contentment of the average 
small mind in Europe is just as real a menace to the future of the 
West. There is a real danger that the materialistic spirit of China 
may animate the world, when humanity is united, and the era of 
universal peace has been established. The ideals of religion and 
morality will then have to combat the meanness of the human 


If, however, the yellow peril is usually much exaggerated, we 
must beware of concluding that it does not exist, and that there is no 
question of the Far East to confront. In political questions, especially 
questions of international politics, it is ridiculous and dangerous to 
adopt a purely sentimental attitude and, with naive kindliness, 
declare that the goal has already been reached. We must not hastily 
infer from the theoretical principle of the equality and fraternity of 
races that they are actually equal at the present time and entertain 
fraternal feelings in their relations with each other. To say that 
would be to run counter to the indisputable facts of the situation. It 
would be an unpardonable levity on the part of any sincere friend of 
humanity to fail to see the wide distance that there actually is 
between the yellow and the white races, and the possibility of 
struggles and hostility between them on that account 

It seems to us that the admission of the radical pacifist principle 
of general disarmament does not solve the racial problem. 

Not that we agree with the opinions of those who believe in the 
absolute value of warfare, and find in it the mysterious and mystic 


character which satisfies the desire of sacrifice and redemption that is 
so deeply rooted in human nature ; but because we believe that, when 
there is question of safeguarding things of great value, war is neces- 
sary and divine, and to refuse to enter upon it in such cases would be 
a piece of unworthy pusillanimity and cowardice. 

But wars and the struggles of races are abnormal things and must 
be avoided. That may be done, not by radically abolishing them, 
but by gradually making them useless. The relations of race to race 
must be regulated and organised, and the various races must enter as 
organic members into the life-unity of the whole of humanity-. 
International commerce unites men and races more closely every 
year. The fusion of races is inevitable, whether we desire it or 
no ; yet we must do all in our power to realise it as quickly as 

The East is characterised by the exaggerated cult of the past, the 
denial of the world, and the idea of Nirvana ; the West by a no less 
exaggerated cult of the future, and the acceptance of the world as it 
presents itself to us. The equilibrium is destroyed on both sides. 
The failure to recognise the rights of progress in the East leads 
to stagnation, decadence, decomposition, and, in the end, contempt 
for the past itself; because the past has to be reconstructed inces- 
santly by the living toil of new generations. The failure to recognise 
the rights of the past in the West leads to a situation in which life 
loses the cohesive quality of organic evolution and becomes a mirage 
of the onward flow of time, an aimless pilgrimage in the endless space 
of history. 

ow The part of Russia, as it is understood by the majority of 
thoughtful Russians, and as it is reflected in the political and philo- 
sophical works of Russian thinkers, is to maintain an equilibrium in 
this antagonistic process. Russia, strong in its Christian creed, is 
conscious that it possesses a lofty moral ideal. The Kingdom of 
God is to be attained, not on the earth, but by the work here below 
of collective humanity ; not as a humanity-God, but as God in 
humanity ; not by the destructive action of scepticism, but by the 
scientific realisation of ideal aims. Normal society should be con- 
structed, not for the animal existence of small contented souls, but 
for divine ends ; because the normal life is a creative evolution of 
divine character. 

The policy of Russia is determined by its Oriental-Occidental 
situation. Its historical action is always to promote civilisation by 
the assimilation on the part of Asiatic races of European culture. 
Each of the great European races has a mission to spread settle-- 
ments over the earth ; first, the Anglo-Saxons, then the Spaniards, 
and finally the Germans and the French. Russia fulfils its mission 


within its own frontiers, transforming the Eastern and the Western 
elements in its territory. 

We shall not attempt to determine the particular details of a 
practical policy, which might assist Russia in playing its historical 
part in reconciling the East and the West, because that is the task of 
its natural self-realisation in its whole range. Only in pursuing that 
aim will it fulfil its general historic destiny. Russia will only succeed 
in showing the world how to reconcile the East and the West if it 
reveals the presence in it of a living God. In effecting the synthesis 
of religion and science, it will supply what is lacking both to the 
East and the West 

As regards its special relations with the East, the understanding 
of Russia and Japan is natural, and is not only in their own interests, 
but also in the interest of the harmony of the world. The Russo- 
Japanese war was an enormous blunder, though it may have been 
necessary from the historical point of view. Its good results are 
already apparent in the mutual understanding of the two countries, 
and the mutual approach of the Japanese and Russian people. Its 
evil effect was to close against Russia the outlet toward the warm sea 
of the Gulf of Pechili, that had menaced nobody, and had answered 
the vital interests of Russia, since it gave an outlet to the broad 
tracts of Siberia. 

The first task that Russia has to undertake in its Eastern policy 
is a close approach to China by means of the active colonisation of its 
Asiatic provinces and the construction in Siberia of routes into China. 
The Oriental civilisation has long been studied in Russia, and the 
study must be prosecuted with the greatest energy. It is necessary 
to examine and understand the soul of the East and its secret ideals. 
But, while conducting this study, Russia must spread its own 
doctrines. Every possible effort must be made to extend the 
scientific education of Europe among the Mongols. The preaching 
of Christianity, especially, must be pressed, not in the form of a 
commercial enterprise, but as an act of faith and enthusiasm. This 
propaganda would be more effective if the dream of many great 
thinkers the union of the Christian Churches could be realised. 

Many a painful experience still awaits humanity on the hard way 
to the City of God, to which we aspire. The sacred enthusiasm, 
which has more than once fired humanity to glorious deeds in the 
age-long struggle of the East and the West, should fill our hearts 
to-day ! 

[Paper submitted in French.'] 
" ili v/aiv V,< 'Jnioq 1110 movl 



!''' .(* '* 'K;^ '} f f'' I *"!'*"{!','} l'-i'i ?f:J(' y(JMfrft< >'" no fo - i"/ *<-i< ;t?T 


Professor of Political Economy in the University of Kolossvdr, 


OF all the economic relations between different peoples and nations 
the possibility of transferring capital from one nation or people 
into the economic system of another is by far the most important 
and pregnant with results. Among the productive factors of 
economic life none is now so important as capital, the creative 
activity of which is characterised by the law of increasing produc- 
tivity. It is capital, moreover, that is found to be the most 
mobile of the productive factors in modern processes of exchange, 
and the most varied forms of its transference from one economic 
system to another. The soil is associated permanently with an 
economic system as its natural foundation. Labour is, as has long 
been recognised, a very difficult thing to transport. Capital, if it 
find no obstacle in its way, flows over the frontiers of countries, 
and even across the ocean, to wherever it will be most useful to 
the economic system and to its possessor, the capitalist. 

The aim of these few lines is to impress the great importance 
of this internationalism in the highest sense of the word of 
capital on the first Universal Races Congress, and briefly to point 
out its consequences. 

From our point of view the transfer of capital is not regarded 
so much between the various national economic systems as between 
different races. 



Every transfer of capital is an enrichment of some economic 
system of a lower economic culture by one that has risen to a 
higher stage of economic culture. In that sense the country that 
is poor in capital seeks the aid of one that is richer. The latter, 
however, uses the opportunity to obtain a good interest on its 
idle capital. A race that is economically inferior to another, and 
the peoples of that race, seek the productive factors they lack 
capital from peoples that are richer in capital, and this means, 
practically, from economically higher races. The economically 
higher race willingly comes to their support with its capital, even 
across the seas, in order to obtain the utmost advantage from its 
superfluous productive factors. It is a very clear expression of 
the internationalism of the economic life on the largest scale. 

With the establishment of over-sea relations on the part of the 
chief countries of Europe in other words, with the earliest efforts 
at colonisation we have the first transfer of capital from one race 
to others. 

It would take us too far to enter fully into the question of 
colonisation in this brief survey, even from the single point of 
view of the transfer of capital involved in it. We shall be content 
to state, as an undeniable fact, that the economic relations that 
have been set up permanently between races that stand higher in 
regard to intensive economic culture and such as are at a lower 
stage relations which we call colonisation, in the widest sense of 
the word always imply a considerable transfer of the productive 
factors which are superfluous at home. Superior economic culture 
is precisely characterised by this wealth in accumulated productive 
factors. And among the productive factors which seem to accu- 
mulate in superabundance at home, and seek a better application 
abroad, the first place is taken by capital. Transfers of capital 
from one race to another, especially from a Western to an Eastern 
race, to the advantage of both, are, as history shows, only possible 
when their relations become the object of a certain regulation 
having the character of public law, and thus the stability of the 
economic relations is better assured. I will only refer to the well- 
known fact of the indebtedness of India to England, that is to 
say, to the transfers of capital, generally for late repayment, by 
England to its British- Indian interests, mainly for the construction 
of railways in former times, but now, since the opening up of the 
country by modern means of communication, for use in the trade, 
industry, and agriculture of India. (See Anton Arnold, Das 
Indische Geldwesen unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung seiner 
Reformen sett 1893, Jena, 1906; especially pp. 77 and the 


need no further proof that the influx of capital from abroad 
into an economic system that is at a lower stage of economic culture, 
and is therefore poorer in capitalistic productive factors, is of great 
importance. By this influx it acquires what it lacks at home, and 
without which it finds it impossible to maintain its economic life 
and ascend to a higher stage of economic culture. Whether the 
influx of foreign capital takes place in the form of an international 
loan, in which the indebted State recognises its legal character, and 
the international relations between the debtor State and that from 
whose economic system the transferred capital comes remain equal, 
or some alteration in the legal relations of the two States is implied 
in the transfer of capital, is simply a question of public law, and 
therefore of minor interest from our point of view. We need only 
point out very briefly that in transfers of capital from one race to 
another such modifications of the politico-legal relations will pro- 
bably occur ; that is to say, the closer connection of the economic 
interests of the two races in the shape of colonisation will involve 
the influx of capital from the economically more advanced race to 
the less advanced. But whether the transfer of capital is effected in 
one form or another, it remains an undeniable fact that it enriches 
and beneficially influences the economic system, which has now 
gained in productive factors. 

Even the warmest adherents of the theory of protective tariffs, 
who contend that home production is encouraged in all its branches 
by their economic policy, and who make it their final and highest 
aim to render their own economic system entirely independent of 
the foreigner, will freely admit that the economic isolation of their 
country should not be carried out to the exclusion of foreign capital. 
On the contrary, the influx of foreign capital promotes home produc- 
tion in the most favourable and healthy way, by providing it with 
the most valuable productive factor, and therefore with the means of 
developing the national forces. 

What we have said in regard to different countries of higher and 
lower economic culture, applies in even greater measure where there 
is a racial difference of economic culture, since we may confidently 
assume an even greater lack of capital on the part of the economi- 
cally lower race than on the part of a people of less advanced 
economic development, but of the same race. 

According to the ideas of the old Liberal orthodox economic 
theory this concern is unfounded, and the question is, in any case, 
superfluous. The Liberal school is a faithful adherent of economic 
internationalism. It teaches that each national economy merely 
forms part of the international economic system of the world, and 
should not, therefore, cut itself off from other countries. It would 


have the accumulated capital of the national wealth invested in those 
branches of production in which the economic system in question 
is strongest, and can therefore do the most productive work. Pro- 
ducts belonging to other departments may be imported from abroad, 
^ey Though this principle of the old economic Liberalism may be 
opposed by perfectly valid objections by the protective tariff system 
or, as it would be better to call it, the system of the protection of 
home labour I cannot doubt, nevertheless, that all of us will regard 
as sound the following principle, which is likewise due to economic 
Liberalism. The principle is : Capital only goes abroad in search of 
an opportunity to produce when it cannot find such opportunity at 
home. Capital always remains where it is of the greatest economic 
public use, and where, consequently, it will be of the greatest use to 
its owner, or of the greatest private use by bringing him the highest 
possible interest. 

I must be content with a brief reference to this principle ; if 
seems to me superfluous to prove the correctness of it before the 
members of this Congress. I will merely add that they will find, in 
the October number of the Financial Review of Reviews for 1910, an 
excellent little article on the subject, with the title " Foreign Invest- 
ments and Home Employments," from the pen of Mr. J. A. Hobson, 
which deals thoroughly and very strikingly, as far as British con- 
ditions are concerned, with the reasons that might be alleged against 
foreign investment The arguments of the distinguished author may 
be commended to the opponents of foreign investments. 

I trust that the First International Races Congress will express 
the greatest sympathy in regard to foreign investments, for longer 
or shorter periods, recognising in them one of the most powerful 
means of peaceful economic co-operation between races of different 
economic level. It is also trusted that the Congress would like to see 
States so regulate their economic situations, which are directly or indi- 
rectly connected with the international movement of capital, as to afford 
the greatest freedom for a sound international movement of capital. 
[Paper submitted in German,'} 

:.';: '; iJ n ' .-.'. "/ . .'.:;!,Df,"t ! .'"IlAifl 1 ,1 I'!'- 


By FRED C. CROXTON, Expert at the Bureau of Labour, Washing- 
ton, and Prof. W. JETT LAUCK, Chief Examiner at the Tariff 
Board, Washington. 

Source and Industrial Character of Immigrants. In order to note 
the effect of immigration on wages in the United States it will be 



necessary to take into consideration the country of origin of immi- 
grants arriving in the United States, and particularly to refer to the 
striking change in the type of immigrants arriving. 

The countries of Southern and Eastern Europe furnish more than 
70 per cent, of the immigrants now coming to the United States, 
while two decades ago the same countries furnished less than 20 per 
cent. The countries of Northern and Western Europe at the present 
time furnish about 20 per cent, of the immigrants, and two decades 
ago they furnished more than 70 per cent. These figures do not 
fully indicate the extent of the change, for the reason that the 
volume of immigration has increased remarkably, the average number 
of immigrants arriving per year having just about doubled during the 
two decades. 

The number of immigrants arriving during each decade since 
1820, and the proportion from each specified locality, are shown in 
the following table : 

(Compiled from the Reports of the United States Immigration Commission.) 


Year ending 

Total Number of 

June soth. 


Northern and 

Southern and 

Other Specified 

Western Europe. 

Eastern Europe. 






























r 1 






97 r:t.m 











A very large proportion of the immigrants coming to the United 
States prior to 1890 were either from the United Kingdom or from 
Germany. In the late seventies Norway and Sweden also began 
contributing considerable numbers. Practically all of the immigrants 
from Germany, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom came 
with the intention of making the United States their permanent 
home, and, with the exception of the Irish, they were largely 
attracted by the agricultural possibilities. They engaged generally 
in cultivating the soil, and were an important factor in developing 
the agricultural wealth of the country. The small proportion entering 
industrial pursuits were trained and experienced in the particular 
line of factory work in which they engaged. 


With the shifting of the source of immigration has come a 
marked change in the industrial character of the immigrants. Prior 
to 1890 the French Canadians were practically the only immigrants, 
aside from the Irish and a few trained workers of the nationalities 
above mentioned, who entered wage-earning occupations in any 
considerable numbers. The newer immigration that from Southern 
and Eastern Europe however, almost exclusively enters industrial 
occupations and competes, to a greater or less extent, with native- 
born workers and workers belonging to races of earlier immigration. 
They are also, with the exception of the Russian Hebrews, to a 
considerable degree transient residents. They are practically all 
untrained workers and possessed of but meagre financial means, 
and therefore are compelled to accept any wage offered and to work 
under such conditions as to hours, sanitation, and mechanical 
equipment as they may find. 

The increase in the proportion of immigrants coming from certain 
countries of Southern and Eastern Europe has been remarkable. In 
1907, the year of largest immigration, 883,126 persons, or almost 
70 per cent, of the 1,285,349 immigrants, were from the three 
countries, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Russia. The number of 
immigrants from these three countries combined did not reach 
50,000 in any year until 1882, and did not reach 100,000 in any year 
until 1887. 

Extent of Employment of Immigrants. The United States 
Immigration Commission in its studies of the immigration problem 
secured detailed information concerning 619,595 employees in the 
principal industries of the country east of the Rocky Mountains. 
Of that number of employees, 346,203, or 55*9 per cent., were 

Of the employees in twenty of the most important industries 
information concerning length of residence in the United States was 
secured for 290,923 foreign-born persons, and of that number 
116,466, or 40 per cent., had been in the United States less than 
five years. Of the total number belonging to races coming from 
Northern and Western Europe and Canada, only 17*4 per cent 
had been in the United States less than five years, while of the 
employees of other races almost entirely from Southern and 
Eastern Europe 51'! per cent, had been in the United States less 
than five years. Slightly more than one-third of the total number 
of foreign-born employees were of races from Northern and 
Western Europe and Canada, while of the immigrant employees 
who had been in the United States less than five years, only 14*3 
per cent, were of races from Northern and Western Europe and 
Canada. The entrance into the factories and mines of the United 


States of such large numbers of immigrants, and especially of 
immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe, is having a marked 
effect on wages and working conditions, and this fact will be 
set forth in the further discussion of this subject. 

Reasons for Employment, The reason for the employment of 
recent immigrant wage-earners in the United States was primarily 
due to the inability of the manufacturers and mine-operators to 
secure other labour in the face of the growing needs of the country. 
How far there was afterwards a reversal of cause and effect, and to 
what extent the expansion of the industry was stimulated by the 
availability of the recent immigrant labour supply, cannot be 
definitely ascertained. It is a matter of speculation and con- 
troversy without any data at present upon which to base an 
approximate determination. Whatever may have been the opinion 
of employers as to the desirability of this class of labour, they found 
it necessary either to employ immigrant labour or delay industrial 
advancement. They chose the former course, and the present 
industrial situation is the result. 

The absorption of such a large proportion of alien peoples into 
the mines and manufacturing establishments of the United States 
was obviously attended by very important results. These effects 
of the employment of Southern and Eastern Europeans may be 
briefly considered from (i) the standpoint of the general industrial 
effects, and (2) from the point of view of native Americans and 
older employees in the industry. Before entering into a discussion 
of these effects, however, it will be necessary, in order that the 
situation may be fully comprehended, to review briefly the personal 
and industrial qualities of the immigrants. These are briefly set 
forth below. 

Salient Characteristics of the Recent Immigrant Labour Supply. 
l; One of the facts of greatest import relative to the newer 
immigration has been that an exceedingly small proportion have 
had any training while abroad for the industrial occupations in 
which they have found employment in the United States. The bulk 
of recent immigrants has been drawn from the agricultural and 
unskilled labour classes of Southern and Eastern Europe. Most 
of them were farmers or farm labourers or unskilled labourers in 
their native lands. The only exception is shown by the Hebrews, 
three-fifths of whom were engaged in some form of manufacturing 
before coming to this country. 

2. The newer immigrant labour supply, owing to the fact that 
it is composed of non-English speaking races and is characterised by 
a high degree of illiteracy, has been found to possess but small 
resources upon which to develop industrial efficiency and advance- 


ment. Owing to their segregation and isolation from the native 
American population in living and working conditions, their progress 
in acquiring the use of the English language and in learning to read 
and write, has been very slow. nw* 

3. A salient fact in connection with the newer immigrant^labour 
supply has been the necessitous condition of the newcomers upon 
their arrival in American industrial communities. Immigrants from 
the south and east of Europe have usually had but a few dollars in 
their possesion when their final destination in this country had been 
reached. During the past eight years the average per person among 
immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe has been only about 
one-third as much as among immigrants from Northern and 
Western Europe, consequently they have found it absolutely im- 
perative to engage in work at once. They have not been in a 
position to take exception to wages or working conditions, but must 
obtain employment on the terms offered. 

4. The standards of living of the newer industrial workers from 
the south and east of Europe have also been very low. Moreover, 
the recent immigrants being usually single, or, if married, having 
left their wives abroad, have been able to adopt a group instead of 
a family living arrangement, and thereby to reduce their cost of 
living to a point far below that of the American or of the older 
immigrant in the same industry. The method of living often fol- 
lowed is that commonly known as the " boarding-boss " system. 
Under this arrangment a married immigrant or his wife, or a single 
man constitutes the head of the household, which, in addition to the 
family or the person constituting the head of the group, will usually 
be made up of two to sixteen boarders or lodgers. The head of the 
group is called a " boarding boss." Each lodger pays the " boarding 
boss " a fixed sum, ordinarily from $2 to $3 each month, for lodg- 
ing, cooking, and washing, the food being usually bought by the 
" boarding boss," and its cost shared equally by each individual 
member of the group. Another common arrangement is for each 
member of the household to purchase his own food and have it 
cooked separately. Under these general methods of living, which 
are frequently found among the immigrant households, the entire 
outlay for necessary living expenses of each adult member ranges 
from $9 to $15 each month. The additional expenditures of the 
recent immigrant wage-earners are small. Every effort has been 
made to save as much as possible. The entire life interest and 
activity of the average wage-earner from Southern and Eastern 
Europe has seemed to revolve about three points: (i) To earn the 
largest possible amount under the existing conditions of work ; 
(2) to live upon the basis of minimum cheapness ; and (3) to save as 



much as possible. Domestic economy, as well as all living arrange- 
ments, have been subordinated to the desire to reduce the cost of 
living to its lowest level. 

Living conditions, as represented by the comparative crowding 
within the household, are shown for certain races in the statement 
which follows. The data were collected from more than seventeen 
thousand households in industrial localities, but this statement only 
includes certain foreign races which enter the industrial occupations 
in large numbers. 


(Compiled from Reports of the United States Immigration Commission.) 







Sleeping Room. 

Newer Immigration 




Italian, North f - IU ! 
Italian, South ; /# . 



I- 4 2 




5 "V 





' , 








I '62 





Older Immigration 

4' W 


I 'SO 






I '08 




5. Another salient quality of recent immigrants who have 
sought work in American industries has been that, as a whole, they 
have manifested but a small degree of permanent interest in their 
employment or in the industry. They have constituted a mobile, 
migratory, disturbing, wage-earning class, constrained mainly by 
their economic interest, and moving readily from place to place 
according to changes in working conditions or fluctuations in the 
demand for labour. This condition of affairs is made possible by 
the fact that so large a proportion of the recent immigrant employees 
are single men or married men whose wives are abroad and by the 
additional fact that the prevailing method of living among immigrant 
workmen is such as to enable them to detach themselves from an 
occupation or a locality whenever they may wish. Their accumula- 
tions also are in the form of cash or are quickly convertible into 
cash. In brief, the recent immigrant has no property or other con- 


straining interests which attach him to a community or to any 
particular occupation, and the larger proportion are free to follow 
the best industrial inducements rather than to seek to improve 
working conditions in their employment. 

6. To the above-described characteristics of recent immigrant 
wage-earners should be added one other. The members of the 
larger number of races of recent entrance to the mines, mills, and 
factories have been tractable and easily managed. This quality 
seems to be a temperamental one acquired through past conditions 
of life in their native lands. In the normal life of the mines, mills, 
and factories the Southern and Eastern Europeans have exhibited a 
pronounced tendency towards being easily managed by employers 
and towards being imposed upon without protest, which has created 
the impression of subserviency. This characteristic, while strong, is 
confined, however, to the immigrant wage-earners of comparatively 
short residence in this country, and results from their lack of training 
or experience abroad and from the difference between their standards 
and aspirations and those of older immigrant employees and native 
American industrial workers. 

General Industrial Effects of Recent Immigration, If the charac- 
teristics of the recent immigrant labour supply to the United States, 
as outlined above, be carefully borne in mind the industrial effects of 
their employment may be quickly realised. 

As regards the general industrial effects, in the first place it may 
be said that the lack of skill and industrial training of the recent 
immigrant to the United States has stimulated the invention of 
mechanical methods and processes which might be conducted by 
unskilled industrial workers as a substitute for the skilled operatives 
formerly required. This condition of affairs must have been true or 
the expansion of American industry within recent years would not 
have been possible. A large number of illustrations of this tendency 
might be cited. Probably three of the best, however, are the auto- 
matic looms and ring spindles in the cotton goods manufacturing 
industry, the bottle-blowing and casting machines in bottle and 
other glass factories, and the machines for mining coal. Another, 
but more minor general industrial effect of the employment of the 
Southern and Eastern Europeans is observable in the increase in the 
number of subordinate foremen in a great many industries. This 
situation arises principally from the fact that the recent immigrants 
are usually of non-English-speaking races and require a larger 
amount of supervision than the native Americans and older immi- 
grants from Great Britain and Northern Europe. The function of 
the subordinate foremen is chiefly that of an interpreter. As regards 
other changes in industrial organisation and methods, probably the 


most important effect observable is seen in the creation of a number 
of special occupations, the incumbents of which perform the 
dangerous or responsible work as a whole which before the employ- 
ment of Southern and Eastern Europeans was distributed over the 
entire operating force. The best example of this tendency is to be 
found in the newly developed occupation of "shot-firer" in bitu- 
minous and anthracite coal-mines. The mine worker in this occupa- 
tion prepares and discharges the blasts or shots for bringing down 
the coal. Until within recent years each miner did his own blasting ; 
but with the employment of the untrained Southern and Eastern 
Europeans in the mines it was soon found that the safety of the 
operating forces and the maintenance of the quality of the output 
required that blasting should be largely done by experienced native 
American or older immigrant employees. The relation between 
industrial accidents and the employment of recent immigrants as 
well as the effect upon wages and conditions of employment arising 
from the entrance of a large body of Southern and Eastern Euro- 
peans into the American industrial system is set forth in detail at a 
later point. 

Effect of the Employment of Recent Immigrants upon Native 
American and Older Immigrant Employees. Relative to the effect 
of recent immigration upon native American and older immigrant 
wage-earners in the United States, it may be stated, in the first 
place, that the lack of industrial training and experience of the 
recent immigrant before coming to the United States, together with 
his illiteracy and inability to speak English, has had the effect of 
exposing the original employees to unsafe and insanitary working 
conditions, or has led to the imposition of conditions of employment 
which the native American or older immigrant employees have 
considered unsatisfactory and in some cases unbearable. When the 
older employees have found dangerous and unhealthy conditions 
prevailing in the mines and manufacturing establishments and have 
protested, the recent immigrant employees, usually through igno- 
rance of mining or other working methods, have manifested a 
willingness to accept the alleged unsatisfactory conditions. In a 
large number of cases the lack of training and experience of the 
Southern and Eastern European affects only his own safety. On 
the other hand, his acquiescence to dangerous and insanitary work- 
ing conditions may make the continuance of such conditions 
possible, and this may become a menace to a part or to the whole 
of an operating force of an industrial establishment. In the mining 
occupations the presence of an untrained employee may constitute 
an element of danger to the entire body of workmen. There seems 
to be a direct causal relation between the extensive employment of 


recent immigrants in American mines and the extraordinary increase 
within recent years in the number of mining accidents. It is 
an undisputed fact that the greatest number of accidents in bitu- 
minous coal-mines arise from two causes : (i) the recklessness, and 
(2) the ignorance and inexperience of employees. When the lack 
of training of the recent immigrant while abroad is considered in 
connection with the fact that he becomes an employee in the mines 
immediately upon his arrival in this country, and when it is recalled 
that a large proportion of the new arrivals are not only illiterate 
and unable to read any precautionary notices posted in the mines, 
but also unable to speak English, and consequently without ability 
to comprehend instructions intelligently, the inference is plain that 
a direct causal relation exists between the employment of recent 
immigrants and the increase in the number of fatalities and 
accidents in the mines. No complete statistics have been compiled 
as to the connection between accidents and races employed, but the 
figures available clearly indicate the conclusion that there has been 
a direct relation between the employment of untrained foreigners 
and the prevalence of mining casualties. The mining inspectors of 
the several coal-producing States, the United States Geological 
Survey, and the older employees in the industry, bear testimony in 
this respect to the effect of the employment of the Southern and 
Eastern European. 

In the second place, the extensive employment of recent immi- 
grants has brought about living conditions and a standard of living 
with which the older employees have been unable, or have found it 
extremely difficult, to compete. This fact may be readily inferred 
from what has already been said relative to the methods of domestic 
economy of immigrant households and the cost of living of their 

In the third place, the entrance into the operating forces of the 
mines and manufacturing establishments in such large numbers of 
the races of recent immigration has also had the effect of weakening 
the labour organisations of the original employees, and in some 
industries has caused their entire demoralisation and disruption. 
This condition has been due to the character of the recent immi- 
grant labour supply and to the fact that such large numbers of 
recent immigrants have found employment in American industries 
within such a short period of time. The significant result of the 
whole situation has been that the influx of the Southern and 
Eastern Europeans has been too rapid to permit of their complete 
absorption by the labour organisations which were in existence 
before the arrival of the recent immigrant wage-earners. In some 
industries the influence and power of the labour unions are concerned 


only with those occupations in which the competition of the 
Southern and Eastern European has been only indirectly or 
remotely felt, and consequently the labour organisations have not 
been very seriously affected. In the occupations and industries in 
which the pressure of the competition of the recent immigrant has 
been directly felt, either because the nature of the work was such as 
to permit of the immediate employment of the immigrant or 
through the invention of improved machinery his employment was 
made possible in occupations which formerly required training and 
apprenticeship, the labour organisations have been completely over- 
whelmed and disrupted. In other industries and occupations in 
which the elements of skill, training, and experience were requisite, 
such as in certain divisions of the glass manufacturing industry, the 
effect of the employment of recent immigrants upon labour organi- 
sations has not been followed by such injurious results. 

In the fourth place, it may be stated that the competition of the 
Southern and Eastern European has led to a voluntary or involuntary 
displacement in certain occupations and industries, of the native 
American and of the older immigrant employees from Great Britain 
and Northern Europe. These racial displacements have manifested 
themselves in three ways. In the first place, a large proportion of 
native Americans and older immigrant employees from Great Britain 
and Northern Europe have left certain industries, such as bituminous 
and anthracite coal-mining and iron and steel manufacturing. In the 
second place, a part of the earlier employees who remained in the 
industries in which they were employed before the advent of the 
Southern and Eastern European, have been able, because of the 
demand growing out of the general industrial expansion, to rise to 
more skilled and responsible executive and technical positions which 
required employees of training and experience. In the larger number 
of cases, however, where the older employees remained in a certain 
industry after the pressure of the competition of the recent immigrant 
had begun to be felt, they relinquished their former positions and 
segregated themselves in certain occupations. This tendency is best 
illustrated by the distribution of employees according to race in bitu- 
minous coal-mines. In this industry all the so-called "company" 
occupations, which are paid on the basis of a daily, weekly, or monthly 
rate, are filled by native Americans or older immigrants and their 
children, while the Southern and Eastern Europeans are confined to 
pick- mining and the unskilled and common labour. The same 
situation exists in other branches of manufacturing enterprise. In 
most industries the native American and older immigrant workmen 
who have remained in the same occupations in which the recent 
immigrants are predominant are the thriftless, unprogressive elements 


of the original operating forces. The third striking feature resulting 
from the competition of Southern and Eastern Europeans is seen in 
the fact that in the case of most industries, such as iron and steel, 
textile and glass manufacturing, and the different forms of mining, 
the children of native Americans and of older immigrants from Great 
Britain and Northern Europe are not entering the industries in which 
their fathers have been employed. All classes of manufacturers claim 
that they are unable to secure a sufficient number of native-born 
employees to insure the development of the necessary number of 
workmen to fill the positions of skill and responsibility in their 
establishments. This condition of affairs is attributable to three 
factors : (i) General or technical education has enabled a consider- 
able number of the children of industrial workers to command busi- 
ness, professional, or technical occupations apparently more desirable 
than those of their fathers ; (2) the conditions of work which have 
resulted from the employment of recent immigrants have rendered 
certain industrial occupations unattractive to the wage-earner of 
native birth ; and (3) occupations other than those in which Southern 
and Eastern Europeans are engaged are sought for the reason that 
popular opinion attaches to them a more satisfactory social status and 
a higher degree of respectability. Whatever may be the cause of this 
aversion of older employees to working by the side of the new 
arrivals the existence of the feeling has been crystallised into one of 
the most potent causes of racial substitution in manufacturing and 
mining occupations. 

As regards the effects of the employment of recent immigrants 
upon wages and hours of work, there is no evidence to show that the 
employment of Southern and Eastern European wage-earners has 
caused a direct lowering of wages or an extension in the hours of 
work in mines and industrial establishments. It is undoubtedly true, 
however, that the availability of the large supply of recent immigrant 
labour prevented the increase in wages which otherwise would have 
resulted during recent years from the increased demand for labour. 
The low standards of the Southern and Eastern European, his ready 
acceptance of a low wage and existing working conditions, his lack of 
permanent interest in the occupation and community in which he is 
employed, his attitude toward labour organisations, his slow progress 
toward assimilation, and his willingness seemingly to accept indefi- 
nitely without protest certain wages and conditions of employment, 
have rendered it extremely difficult for the older classes of employees 
to secure improvements in conditions or advancement in wages since 
the arrival in considerable numbers of Southern and Eastern 
European wage-earners. As a general proposition, it may be said 
that all improvements in conditions and increases in rates of pay 


have been secured in spite of the presence of the recent immigrants. 
The recent immigrant, in other words, has not actively opposed the 
movements toward better conditions of employment and higher wages, 
but his availability and his general characteristics and attitude have 
constituted a passive opposition which has been most effective. 

General Conclusions. If the entire situation be reviewed and the 
effect of recent immigration be considered in all its industrial 
aspects, there are several significant conclusions which, although 
subject to some unimportant restrictions, may be set forth as indi- 
cating the general effects of the extensive employment in the mines 
and industrial establishments of the United States of Southern and 
Eastern European immigrants. These general conclusions may be 
briefly summarised as follows : 

1. The extensive employment of Southern and Eastern Europeans has 
seriously affected the native American and older immigrant employees from 
Great Britain and Northern Europe by causing displacements and by retarding 
advancement in rates of pay and improvement in conditions of employment. 

2. Industrial efficiency among the recent immigrant wage-earners has 
been very slowly developed owing to their illiteracy and inability to speak 

3. For these same reasons the general progress toward assimilation and the 
attainment of American standards of work and living has also been very slow. 

4. The conclusion of greatest significance developed by the general indus- 
trial investigation of the United States Immigration Commission is that the 
point of complete saturation has already been reached in the employment of 
recent immigrants in mining and manufacturing establishments. Owing to the 
rapid expansion in industry which has taken place during the past thirty years 
and the constantly increasing employment of Southern and Eastern Europeans, 
it has been impossible to assimilate the newcomers, politically or socially, or to 
educate them to American standards of compensation, efficiency, or conditions 
of employment. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 


TRADE is the most obvious basis for peaceable intercourse between 
the inhabitants of countries differing in climate, flora, and fauna, 
and grade or character of civilisation. For though each race will 
tend to be evolved with needs and tastes capable of satisfaction 
from the natural resources of its own country, and by means of the 
industrial arts there developed for that purpose, every advance in 
the arts of civilisation, every extension of knowledge regarding the 
produce and the arts of other countries, every growth of population 
beyond a certain limit, will impress a sense of the advantages of 
national as distinguished from narrowly local division of labour, 


and of such regular commercial intercourse as may enable each of 
the countries to participate in the special advantages possessed by 
the others. Mere diversity of economic products does not, of course, 
suffice to lay the foundations of commerce. A sufficient number 
of the inhabitants of the two countries must have evolved wants 
which they cannot satisfy from their home resources, or satisfy so 
well or cheaply. When international trade has been fairly well 
developed it is not, of course, necessary that each of the two trading 
countries should deal directly with the other, balancing their 
national accounts by immediate shipment of goods or money. One 
nation may sell largely to another without taking any equivalent 
amount of goods in payment from the other, the payment coming 
in the shape of goods imported from some third nation, which has 
the sort of goods we want, and wants the exports of that other 
nation which we do not want. A further elaboration of this " round- 
about " trade enables every modern country to trade with every 
other, irrespective of whether the two sets of inhabitants are able 
both to sell to and to buy from one another. 

But in the beginnings of foreign trade it often seemed necessary 
to confine our trade to foreigners who would and could directly trade 
with us. Where the costs and risks of transport were so heavy 
as in the early caravan trade with the East, or in early over-seas 
traffic, it was almost essential that the return voyage should be 
utilised by bringing back from the country to which goods had been 
conveyed a direct immediate payment in other merchandise. Other- 
wise, not only is the return journey wasted, but the other people 
must make payment in gold or other treasure. Now, though the 
individual merchant of a foreign country might be willing and able 
to make such payment for the imported goods he wanted, the public 
policy of his State generally hindered him. The belief that a 
country which, in its dealings with another country, exported bullion 
or treasure was doing an injury to the national welfare, seriously 
interfered with commerce between European and Asiatic countries 
in the Middle Ages, and constantly incited an aggressive policy on 
the part of the former towards the latter. When the courts and 
aristocracies of Europe began more and more to desire enjoyment 
of the gold and jewellery, the silks, spices, and other luxuries of the 
East, they did not possess the wherewithal to buy them in equal 
commerce, and so were continually tempted to seek them by piracy, 
forced tribute, or other modes of pillage. As the accumula- 
tion of a State treasure came to play a greater part in the public 
economy of European monarchs, the establishment of profitable 
commerce upon equal and peaceful terms was very difficult. In the 
early trade with Arabia, Persia, and India there was very little 


which any Western country could have sent to pay for the imported 
silks and spices, for these peoples had developed almost all the 
manufacturing arts beyond the European standards. When, later 
on, maritime enterprise opened up first to the Portuguese, Spanish, 
and Dutch, and later to the French and English, backward peoples 
living in tropical or semi-tropical parts of Africa and America, there 
were similar difficulties in establishing trade on a mutual basis, 
similar temptations to substitute plunder or tribute for equal com- 
merce. For the American Indians, the aborigines of the West 
Indian and Pacific Islands, the Negroes or Negroid peoples of 
Africa, had no important obvious felt wants which European pro- 
duce could satisfy, though Europe wanted the sugar, coffee, rice, 
gold, ivory, and other goods they were capable of supplying. 

Such were the preliminary difficulties which impeded genuine 
trade relations between Europe and Asia, and between white and 
coloured peoples. The early policy of trading settlements and of 
merchant companies was greatly hampered by them. Though 
trade was conducted by privately owned capital for private profit, 
it never occurred to any Government to leave it to the entirely 
unrestricted play of the individual interests of those engaged in it 
It was almost universally assumed that the State had certain rights 
and obligations of direction, protection, and control. If groups of 
individual traders were free to buy unlimited quantities of goods 
from foreigners, and to dispose of them in the home market, they 
might choose to pay for them in cash, a policy which might drain 
the country of its necessary fund of gold or other money. Again, 
by introducing foreign goods to undersell home industries, they 
might cause grave damage to staple trades and bring disorders on 
society. Or they might even take out of the country, for sale to 
foreigners, materials and capital needed for home industry, or 
finished articles the home prices of which would be injuriously 
raised by such unrestricted export. In these and other ways the 
mediaeval and the modern State has generally felt that it had an 
obligation to regulate foreign trade in the interest of home industry. 
The present protective system still embodies most of these concep- 
tions of the functions of a State in relation to foreign trade. 
Though such regulations were by no means confined to the trade 
of European with Asiatic or with other coloured peoples, they proved 
very onerous in their restraint upon profitable liberty of trade with 
newly opened markets. When large profitable over-seas markets 
were first made accessible, the State in this country, in Holland and 
in Spain, generally insisted upon confining it to authorised persons 
or chartered companies, with numerous conditions and restrictions 
imposed for the protection of vested interests at home, or for con- 


siderations of public revenue. These companies, by their own rules, 
and, where they could obtain it, the public law of their State, were 
constantly engaged in curbing and crushing outside interlopers, who 
sought to cut into their monopoly, and though the members of these 
companies sometimes competed among themselves for the profits 
of the trade, obvious conveniences led them to co-operate so as to 
share good opportunities and to maintain prices for the produce 
they brought back. 

Besides the policy of restraining pirates and interlopers, the 
trading companies had to maintain trading stations or factories, and 
to organise the trade in the foreign territory which they were 
licensed to exploit These establishments, when set in distant and 
" barbarous " or unsettled lands, needed forcible protection, and 
though the forts and arms used for such purposes were the private 
property of the traders, their use evidently was a quasi-political 
operation which could not go far without bringing into the quarrel 
the Government of the country which had authorised the traders. 
The Hudson Bay Company and the East India Company were in 
their earlier days continually engaged in a fierce commercial com- 
petition with French or Portuguese companies, that in time 
embroiled the Governments of the respective countries. Partly by 
compacts with foreign chiefs, partly by sheer self-assertion assisted 
by the charter of their home Government, these groups or companies 
of traders came to mix politics and even military exploits with the 
commercial operations which were their origin and their raison d'etre. 

Such trading posts in far distant countries where the traders 
and the natives had little understanding of or sympathy with one 
another, were liable to cause trouble. The trade nexus alone is 
hardly adequate to secure peace and mutual good-will in such a 
delicate situation. A few dishonest or brutal whites, perhaps not 
connected with the company, have exasperated the natives, unable 
to discriminate one white man from another. Or else, as still in 
Angora, traders have organised a cruel system of slavery or semi- 
slavery for the exploitation of the natural resources of the land. 
Where, as in large portions of Africa during the later sixteenth, the 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the trade in human beings 
was the largest and most profitable trade, the commercial contact 
between whites and coloured people reached the lowest state of 
degradation. This trade, which during the century preceding 1786 
was held, on a low computation, to have furnished twenty thousand 
slaves per annum to the plantations of North America, Spanish 
South America, and the West Indies, laid a basis of hatred and 
suspicion along the coasts of West and East Africa which has done 
lasting injury to the legitimate trade of modern times. Regarded 



from the purely economic standpoint of the exploitation of the 
resources of the New World, the slave trade was certainly a monu- 
mental error. The more rapid development of supplies of sugar, 
rice, tobacco, and other crops thus secured, was purchased too 
dearly by the instability of political and industrial society which 
accompanied and followed slavery. White industry and the evo- 
lution of the manufacturing arts were long impeded in America by 
excessive dependence on the wealth of the plantations, and the 
Civil War, with its legacy of race hostility and social divisions, 
imposed and still imposes heavy economic penalties. Though the 
slave trade in its cruder forms has now almost disappeared from 
European possessions, there has grown up a great and ever-growing 
transport trade in human beings which, though highly beneficial 
in its higher grades, sinks in its lower to something not very far 
removed from the original type of the slave trade. Associations 
for procuring supplies of indentured labour for mines, roads or 
agricultural work, by bargaining with chiefs in tropical or sub- 
tropical Africa, are in fact procuring forced labour. The agents of 
transport companies, who will make their profits by encouraging 
immigration, are everywhere employing arts of misrepresentation 
and delusion which impose upon ignorant people in backward 
countries. Though the deluded will consents, this method is in 
substance little removed from the forcible kidnapping of earlier 
days. As information is more widely spread, these methods of 
force or fraud are displaced by genuinely voluntary migration, such 
as that which carries large numbers of Chinese, Japanese, Malays, 
and Hindus to seek a higher wage-level in such parts of the New 
World as will admit them. This voluntary migration, regarded 
from the economic standpoint, must be accounted beneficial. If 
members of crowded countries are free to transfer their labour- 
power to sparsely peopled countries, by gradual voluntary move- 
ment, two economic purposes are served. There is an increase in 
the wealth of the world from the drafting of labour from a less 
productive to a more productive area, and there is the avoidance of 
expensive and disastrous wars, necessitated hitherto by the need 
under which highly populated countries found themselves for 
securing outlets beyond their frontiers for their superfluous popu- 

The growing tendency in recent times, however, sets against 
the large over-sea migration of Asiatic or African races into areas 
domiciled by white populations. A new idea of trade, attended by 
new hopes and fears, is gaining currency. Backward industrial 
populations, remaining in their own country, may be encouraged 
and assisted to a more intensive development of their natural 


resources, and at the same time induced to develop new " civilised " 
wants which European nations can supply. 

The realisation of this idea has obvious advantages for modern 
commerce. For the character of the trade between advanced 
white and backward coloured peoples has changed, as a result of 
the industrial revolution. When the New World was first opened 
up, it was regarded primarily as a treasure house from which 
fortunate European peoples might suck, by tribute, pillage or 
unequal trade, quantities of precious metals, and highly valuable 
commodities for home trade and consumption. Though cargoes of 
cheap manufactures were sent out for barter, the whole stress of the 
trade lay in the return cargoes. There was no serious pretence of 
exchange on equal terms. The early barter with North American 
Indians, or with West African negroes, in which beads or bright 
cloths of the cheapest sort purchased valuable ivory or hides, was 
characteristic of this commerce. So long as European manufactures 
were still in the pre-machine stage, while the trade with coloured 
peoples was in the hands of a few companies, such export trade 
could not figure as a considerable source of national wealth. Every 
European nation in its early dealings with backward peoples frankly 
looked upon them, not as customers, but as possessors of possible 
treasures the worth of which they did not kttow, and which must 
be got, if possible by any peaceful means, but otherwise by force. 
The notion of educating in them tastes for European manufactures 
was hardly yet entertained. 

When, one after another, in the last century, the European nations 
entered into machine production the whole idea of foreign trade 
underwent a rapid transformation. Foreign trade became more and 
more essential as a means of disposing profitably of the enormous 
quantities of manufactured goods they found themselves able to put 
out. When towards the close of the century the chief white nations 
had placed themselves fairly on a level in the arts of manufacture 
foreign trade assumed definitely the shape of a struggle for markets. 
Since they were all capable of producing more staple manufactured 
goods than they could dispose of profitably in their own markets, 
they began to concentrate upon opening up new markets. This 
altered the attitude towards Asia and Africa. Here were areas with 
huge populations capable of buying and consuming Lancashire and 
Birmingham wares if they could be induced to want them. More 
and more the trend, not only of our economical but of our political 
and our missionary policy, was directed towards this end of securing 
new valuable markets for surplus manufactured goods. The stress 
of trade with backward peoples was shifted from the return freight 
to the outward freight. The coloured races in Asia and in Africa 


were wanted now as customers, and the various white trading nations 
set themselves with alacrity to discover, stimulate, and supply their 
wants. In theory this enhancement of the desire to sell would seem 
favourable to improved relations between the European and the 
coloured peoples, for the more equal mutuality of services should 
have a binding influence. Nor can it justly be denied that this 
consideration, when not contravened by others, has exercised a 
pacific and a civilising influence in backward countries. The steel 
rails, engines and other machinery, boots, agricultural implements, 
cutlery, and cloths, supplied by way of trade or of investment, must 
be accounted a genuine contribution to the pacific development and 
intercourse of the world where such trade relations are voluntary 
on both sides. Unfortunately, serious counteracting influences have 
arisen in the modern intercourse between advanced and backward 
peoples. The struggle for markets among Western nations has 
grown more acute with each improvement in the arts of manufacture 
and of transport The maldistribution of income among the various 
classes of the European nations, by restricting the consumption of 
the masses of their workers, has made it appear inevitable that the 
course of machine production should outrun the consumption of the 
home markets. For the same reason the growth of new capital in 
the same nations appears to exceed the possible demands of home 
investments. So there is a growing double motive, driving our 
manufacturers to fight for increasing foreign markets in order to 
absorb their surplus goods and surplus capital. As the civilised 
nations pass more and more into the condition of being able to 
provide themselves with manufactured goods for their own industries, 
and show a disposition to protect themselves by tariff against foreign 
competitors, the necessity of opening up new markets in backward 
countries seems more and more pressing. A similar interpretation 
of the situation leads each nation to seek, if possible, to mark out 
some area of Asia or Africa for its own trade and to secure a mono- 
poly in that trade. Where ordinary trade is accompanied by invest- 
ments the white nation has a more important stake in the backward 
country. Although there is no inherent necessity for political inter- 
ference, it will easily be recognised that the business men of a civi- 
lised State who have established a valuable market in a backward 
country, and have also invested capital in developing its resources, 
will be exceedingly likely to invite their Government to help them 
to maintain their trade and to secure their property rights against 
the intrusion of foreign traders or investors, or against the risks and 
damages of internal disorders such as primitive countries, disturbed 
by foreign traders and explorers, are liable to suffer. The imperialism 
of Great Britain, Germany, France, America, and, to a less extent, of 


other individual States within the last generation, is mainly to be 
attributed to this competition for markets for goods and investments, 
and to the belief that, such markets being limited in amount, it is the 
patriotic duty of each Government to secure for its own traders and 
investors as large and as good a share as possible. 

All sorts of other motives political, religious, humanitarian are 
used to cover up a policy of economic exploitation as foolish in con- 
ception as mischievous in consequences. The white nations which, 
under this mixed play of motives, have gone about the world annex- 
ing large masses of Asia and Africa, apportioning out other sections 
as spheres of influence or protectorates, and in most instances secur- 
ing a monopoly for the traders of their particular country, by means 
of a prohibitive or protective tariff, are mistaken in their public policy. 
Particular manufacturing or trading interests in England, Germany, 
or America may stand to gain in a policy of aggressive annexation 
followed by protection, but the nation as a whole gains nothing by 
this interference with peaceful evolution and free exchange. Precisely 
because it is so desirable that peaceful and profitable trade relations 
should grow up between European nations and coloured or backward 
ones, this fierce conflict for markets and this pushful public policy are 
the more to be deplored. They are based upon three false assump- 
tions. The first is that the home markets for manufactures cannot 
keep pace with the growing powers of machine production, and that 
therefore increasing foreign markets must continually be found. 
This is false, because in every white civilised country the great mass 
of the population is inadequately supplied with manufactured goods, 
and under a better distribution of incomes would develop new wants 
fast enough to meet any new powers of production. 

The second assumption is that, in order to have foreign markets, 
it is necessary or useful to own the countries. This fallacy is 
summarised in the phrase that "Trade follows the flag." Even 
were the saying true, as it is where a protective tariff accompanies 
the flag, the net advantage of such a policy is extremely disputable. 
For, by shutting off the annexed country from the full access to 
the trade and capital of other industrial and investing nations, the 
development of its resources and the increase of its prosperity are 
so retarded that its general value as the market for the goods 
of the aggressive and protecting nation is diminished. Moreover, 
the true economic balance-sheet of a commerce thus obtained and 
held by force, would obtain upon the debit side a large expenditure 
for costs of conquest and of military occupation, while the ill-will 
and discontent of a conquered people furnish a poor security for 
sound commercial development. If the whole of the forcible 
acquisitions of the era of competitive imperialism, which dates 


from the middle of the eighties, were subjected to a proper business 
scrutiny, which would take into due account the share of growing 
military and naval expenditure attributable to this policy, the 
whole of this chapter in modern European history would be 
inscribed as bad business, showing a huge net deficit in terms 
of wealth. For the value of the markets thus obtained would not 
nearly cover the expenses of acquisition and of maintenance. 

Comparing the two modes of obtaining markets in backward 
countries, the mode of forcible aggression and the mode of peaceful 
penetration by appeal to the mutual interests which trade generates, 
no doubt can possibly be entertained as to the superiority of the 
latter, equally on economic and on moral grounds. I have treated 
the question of trade in quantitative terms. But a sound economic 
survey cannot ignore the character or quality of trade. An analysis 
of the export and the import trade done by such countries as 
Great Britain, Belgium, and Germany with recently acquired 
markets in the tropics shows commerce at its worst. The goods 
we sell to the natives of these countries are largely of the most 
detrimental kinds and of the most inferior quality. This has 
always been the case. A Report to the English Council of Trade 
as early as 1698 upon the trade with Madagascar and the East 
Indies named "liquor, arms, and gunpowder" as the chief articles 
of trade. Recent reports of our trade with East and Central Africa 
indicate that a considerable proportion of the trade is of the same 
degrading character, supplemented by the cheapest and lowest grades 
of textile and metal wares. Such an import trade, largely appealing 
to the crudest wants of savage or semi-civilised natives, is fraught 
with manifest dangers, physical and moral. The liquor traffic, 
in particular, carried on by traders of several European nations 
in various parts of Africa, is a crime against civilisation, only 
second to the slave trade of earlier days. But equally pernicious 
in its effect upon the native peoples is a large portion of the export 
trade organised by white men in tropical countries of Africa and 
South America for the rapid and reckless exploitation of the 
natural resources of the land. The rubber trade in the Congo 
and in Brazil, and the cocoa trade in San Thome\ are examples of 
the gravest of these abuses of commerce. Such a contact of whites 
with backward people shows Western civilisation at its worst, for the 
lowest representatives of that civilisation, animated by the least worthy 
motives, introduce among the natives the least desirable products and 
practices of that civilisation, while their attempt to organise industrially 
and commercially the tropical countries, being directed to secure the 
largest immediate gains without due consideration of the future, is 
often attended by the maximum of waste and inhumanity. 


The problem is of the gravest order. These tropical and sub- 
tropical countries contain rich natural resources which cannot and 
ought not to lie undeveloped. Though it is to the real interest 
of the inhabitants of these countries to develop their resources 
and place them at the disposal of the civilised nations which can 
use them, this development often requires the assistance of the 
white man's knowledge, organisation, and capital. 

But to leave this work of development to unrestricted private 
enterprise leads to the grave abuses we have mentioned. When such 
countries are recognised as under the protectorate or sphere of influ- 
ence of a white civilised State, it is quite evidently the first duty of 
the representatives of this political control to protect the natives 
against these abuses, and to do what they can to prevent the land 
and the people from being subjected to wasteful exploitation. The 
appointment of officials who should justify the term protectorate, 
and whose main efforts should be directed to the slow and steady 
work of educating the people in the arts of industry and the growth 
of wholesome wants, is an indispensable condition of the solution of 
this sociological problem. For, setting aside all higher considerations, 
and confining our attention merely to the sound development of 
industry and commerce, experience shows that, for a State to spend 
public money in the acquisition and government of these subject 
countries, and then to hand their economic exploitation over to 
importers and exporters, who damage and degrade the natural 
resources and the labouring population by the nature of the trades 
and products they introduce, is the worst and most foolish form 
of policy conceivable. Where savage or semi-savage peoples are 
concerned, the task of building up sound industries and wholesome 
wants, the two foundations of industrial civilisation, will be slow and 
difficult, and may involve a long retention of political and economic 
authority before such a country can be left entirely to its own 
control, consistently with its own and the world's welfare. But in 
spite of the obvious perils which accompany such protection and 
education, from the selfishness and greed not only of traders, but 
of Governments, no other solution is feasible. These peoples have 
no natural or inalienable right to withhold the natural resources 
of their country from the outside world, and they cannot develop 
them without the assistance of that outside world. There is, there- 
fore, no other solution than the education among civilised States of 
a higher sense of justice, humanity, and economic wisdom in the 
rendering of that assistance. This will involve the utmost care in 
the selection of honest, independent, and intelligent officials for the 
administration of such protected peoples, so that a public long-sighted 
policy may prevail over the private short-sighted policy of traders. 


The duties and expediencies of commercial contact with back- 
ward but civilised Asiatic countries are simpler and more obvious. 
The best and most profitable development of trade for Europeans 
with the East has been with the countries where force has been 
least applied, and where European goods and arts have been per- 
mitted to make their way by peaceful penetration and appeal. Japan 
is, of course, the most conspicuous example of the educative 
influence of Western industrialism upon an Eastern people. China, 
in spite of occasional intrusions of European force, will furnish a 
larger instance of the legitimate operation of commerce as a 
peaceful bond of union between East and West. The too visible 
and ubiquitous display of force in India has been attended by 
undoubted injury to the best commercial interests of East and 
West, alike in the degradation and decay of fine native arts and 
handicrafts, and in the economic and financial administration of the 
country with too much regard to the immediate interests of Great 
Britain. The economic interests of peaceful, profitable commerce for 
the world will be best served in proportion as the adoption of 
Western arts of industry in Asia is left to the free determination 
of the Asiatic peoples. For the knowledge, training, and intelli- 
gence of these peoples is such as to enable them to dispense, after 
a brief period of initiation, with that continued tutelage and control 
of their industrial life which may be requisite for definitely lower 
races. Whatever be the outcome of the industrialisation of the Far 
East, whether it gravitates towards the formation of an isolated self- 
sufficing economic system, or cultivates strong permanent commercial 
intercourse with white nations, no sound economic or political pur- 
pose would be served by any endeavour of Europe or America to 
impose conditions on that development. Any attempts at forcible 
intervention for the protection of existing trading interests, or for 
the further enlargement of the white man's markets, are tolerably 
certain in the long run to be frustrated by the active or passive 
resistance of the Oriental peoples reverting to their ancient instinc- 
tive policy. Those who desire that these great Asiatic nations should 
take their place in the political and economic internationalism of the 
future, and also recognise how much both Europe and Asia have to 
give and to get from the solidarity of friendly intercourse, will be 
most urgent in their insistence that no military or diplomatic force of 
Western Powers shall be permitted to interfere with the peaceable 
development of commerce with Asiatic countries. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 




Professor of Sociology in the University of Kiel, Germany. 

" ARE we not right in saying that any scientific question, whereso- 
ever it may be discussed, appeals to all cultivated nations? May 
not, indeed, the scientific world be considered as one body ? " It 
was Goethe who wrote these words shortly before the end of his 
life, in considering the opinions of Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, which 
are now so interesting as preludes to Darwinism. And in asking 
these questions, the great poet only expressed what was in the 
minds of all those cosmopolitan thinkers who flourished in the 
" Age of Enlightenment," or, as it is also denominated sometimes, 
the philosophic century. Practically, of course, it was European 
civilisation which they had in view, and it was the Caucasian or 
white race, at the most, which they considered when they spoke 
of the unity of mankind. Yet commerce and navigation had 
already reached more distant places, and, from the discovery of 
America down to that of Australasia, a number of adventurous 
and famous voyages had long engaged the strenuous attention of 
Europeans, and contributed to the widening of their mental 

This induced the more thoughtful to compare different manners 
and customs, superstitions and religions, and at the same time 
philosophers boldly undertook to formulate what they regarded as 
the true system of law and the true principle of religion, under the 



name of Natural Law and Natural Religion. They exposed the 
many corrupting and sophisticating influences in modern civilisation, 
and pleaded for a return to the pure fountains of Nature. Simplicity 
appeared to be the test of genuineness, and what was simple and 
natural was thought to be entitled to become universal. This also 
led them to compare different grades and states of civilised life, 
especially the habits of rural life with those of great cities, and the 
ways of rude tribes with those of nations in which art and science, 
wealth and luxury prevailed. They discovered, not without some 
amazement, ancient civilisations that were very different from our 
own, and eagerly pointed out that they were in certain respects 
superior to ours. Religion itself ceased to be considered as an 
effective separating gulf, as if Christianity represented the summit of 
moral sublimity. What had long been despised or pitied as heathen 
ignorance turned out to contain profound wisdom from which Chris- 
tians had to learn anew, as they had always learned from Greece and 
Rome. Thus the West turned its eyes back to the East, and China 
soon gave it an overwhelming impression of a long-settled and at the 
same time a highly refined and rational civilisation. Rationalism 
was the Spirit of the Age, and if philosophers recommended the 
Natural, it was merely because Reason seemed to them to have the 
mission of restoring early institutions (based upon natural liberty 
and equality), freeing them from prejudices and superstition, and 
directing them, by means of rulers imbued with just philosophical 
principles, toward the goal of universal peace and happiness, which 
was considered to be the true object of intellectual and moral 

Voltaire and Christian Wolf both pointed to China in this spirit 
of admiration, while Montesquieu and others emphasised the high 
sociological and historical interest of the Celestial Empire. More 
recently, Comte and his followers took up the argument of rationalism, 
which made China appear to be a model of spiritual and moral 
government. In the meantime most of our reliable information con- 
cerning that marvellous civilisation came from a different quarter. The 
Roman Catholic Church vied with its bitterest foe, modern philosophy, 
in these cosmopolitan feelings and tendencies. The missionary 
interest became a powerful stimulus to the thoroughgoing investiga- 
tion of peoples who showed so little inclination to abandon their own 
faith and moral code in favour of those of Europe. However, it is 
much to the credit of the Jesuit fathers, at first Portuguese and 
Italian, afterwards chiefly French, that they succeeded in adapting 
themselves to Chinese manners and customs, even to their religious 
ceremonial, and have thus been able to gain a deeper insight into 
the true foundations of such habits and customs, a knowledge which 


they eagerly communicated in a series of elaborate works, to the 
amazement of Europe. They became the teachers of Europe with 
respect to China, as, in the character of apostles of science, accord- 
ing to M. Martin, they had obtained a footing in Peking. Protes- 
tant missionaries have followed them in their design of bringing the 
growing science of the Western world to bear on the mind of 
China. On the other hand, European knowledge of China has con- 
stantly increased. Since the great geographical, historical, chrono- 
logical, and political description of China and Chinese Tartary of 
Jean Baptiste du Halde appeared in 1733, preceded as it was by 
Magilhaens, le Comte, and Silhouette, and followed by the memoirs of 
the missionaries of Peking concerning the history, the sciences, the 
arts, the customs and usages of the Chinese, an enormous literature 
has grown up relating to these subjects, and Europeans are now able 
to pass a tolerably catholic judgment upon the character and achieve- 
ments of that immensely numerous and profoundly remarkable nation, 
the knowledge of which had, in the words of Sir Robert Douglas, 
been so long confined to misty legends and uncertain rumour. 

What has been said of China applies also to some extent to 
Japan. However, the difference between the greater and the smaller 
empire is sufficiently known. The rise of Japan to the rank of a 
modern nation, its Europeanisation, has become famous as one of the 
most memorable events of the last century. The growth of learning, 
which had been considerable in the two previous centuries, preceded 
this marvellous development. Japan has adopted the science and the 
technical achievements of Europe with a striking rapidity and with art 
astounding success. But we are now facing a fact which in its con- 
sequences will perhaps far surpass even the glorious ascent of Japan. 
The awakening of China now engages the attention of all careful 
observers of the East. Some years ago, just before the outbreak 
of the Boxer movement, Sir Alfred Lyall, in contradiction to 
other writers, hinted at the possibility that the Japanese war, which 
he recognised as a turning-point in Chinese history, might lead 
toward a revival instead of decadence or disintegration. A few years 
later, after the humiliation which China experienced from the 
European Powers, Sir Robert Hart, one of the few Europeans who 
know the Celestial Empire by their own long and careful observa- 
tion, effectively pointed to the "other school of thought." It was, 
he said, in a very small minority, " but it is growing, it accepts 
facts, recognises what makes for change, opens its eyes to the life 
of other lands, asks what can be introduced from abroad and grafted 
on Chinese trunks, and ceases to condemn novelties simply because 
they are new, or to eschew strange things merely because they are 
foreign." It was at that very moment that the Empress Dowager 


decided to press reform, and that the edict was sent out which said 
that what China is deficient in can be best supplied from what the 
West is rich in. Tsu Hsi, it is true, has since disappeared together 
with the nominal Emperor, but the trend of the movement has not 
changed. It has, on the contrary, much increased in strength, and it 
seems to be on the eve of victory. Its most conspicuous element, no 
doubt, is the demand for scientific improvement, which inspires 
young China with a sense of rivalling not only Japan, but proud 
Europe itself. Higher education is the watchword of the day in the 
Far East, as much as in the United Kingdom or the German Empire. 
Swarms of Chinese students go yearly to Japan, where European 
civilisation and learning are communicated to them ; but smaller 
numbers also go to Europe, mostly for the sake of medical instruc- 
tion, which is more and more appreciated by Eastern people. Chinese 
students, we understand, may now be numbered by hundreds in 
Europe and America, and by thousands in Japan. However, the 
results of foreign education have not been altogether satisfactory 
hitherto to Chinese ambition. It seeks to establish Chinese seats of 
Western learning, but there are serious obstacles to be overcome. 

A genuine Chinese degree, as was lately pointed out in the 
Contemporary Review, does not seem likely to carry weight in 
European or American minds. It is doubted, with good reason, 
whether there can be for some time a sufficiently numerous body 
of educated Chinese to guide the destinies of such an institution 
as a Peking University of Western science would pretend to be. 
On the other hand, mandarin pride would justly scorn the idea 
of foreign control. It is on this account that lately the project 
of a Hong Kong University has been mooted, and a man of 
authoritative position in England has declared that this project 
promises an intellectual development for which there is no precedent. 
Already a vast sum has been raised for the carrying out of this 
project, and a very considerable amount of it is due to the Chinese 
themselves, who are said to have taken up the idea with enthusiasm. 
If it should prove successful, we may reasonably expect to see 
the sphere of material and moral influence of the British Empire 
considerably enlarged ; for it would help to make English the 
language of diplomacy and general culture in the far East, as 
it is already that of commerce. No wonder, then, that the British 
Government, especially the Colonial Office, approves the scheme 
and is active in promoting it. The present Governor of Hong 
Kong is amongst its chief supporters. Hong Kong has the finest 
position in the world as a shipping port. The project may be 
said, then, to rest upon broad shoulders. " Ex occidente lux" the 
learned Taw Sein Ko proclaimed some time ago, and it was the 


fact that schools and colleges were springing up all over the 
Empire which gave him the hope that the real awakening of China 
had begun. More recently the High Commissioner, Tuan Fang, 
addressing the Mission Boards at New York, congratulated the 
American missionaries on having promoted the progress of the 
Chinese people. They had borne, he said, the light of Western 
civilisation into every nook and corner of the Empire. The Chinese 
being a polite and ceremonious people, even one of the leaders 
of the progressive movement may have pronounced these words 
merely in a complimentary sense. It is well known that they 
generally desire the dismissal of foreign missionaries ; but this 
certainly would not imply the dismissal of foreign learning. 
European science and technical efficiency will increase their sway 
in China as they have done in Japan. But how will they develop 
in these countries? Will they advance to higher summits? Will 
these Orientals with their undisturbed freshness of mind surpass 
us in the spread and application of science? Will they wind 
through all the mazes of a capitalistic evolution which involves 
such grave problems for us? Or will they be better able than 
we to rule the spirits which they have evoked? 

Not unlike China and Japan and the smaller nations dependent 
upon them, with respect to remoteness from European culture, 
India widely differs from them in several conspicuous traits. In 
the first place, it has never been entirely unknown to the Western 
world. All through the so-called Middle Ages the channels of trade 
went along wild deserts from India to the ports of the Levant, 
and thence to Venice and the rest of the Italian cities on the 
Mediterranean, which were the commercial intermediaries for the 
greater part of Europe. Of course, only the most precious com- 
modities were able to bear the cost of that long, slow, and dangerous 
journey. India's legendary wealth gave the spices of a tropical 
climate and the products of a highly refined domestic art to Europe, 
from which, in its turn, it generally received silver as the instrument 
of trade. By the fall of Constantinople this channel was blocked, 
and as a result European commerce sought to discover the mari- 
time route to that fabulous country. The name of the West Indies 
still reminds us of some of the results of that struggle. Never- 
theless, in spite of these early commercial arrangements, India 
remained up to a recent period almost like China and Japan, 
hidden under a veil of mystery. It was the British administration 
only which presently endeavoured to lessen the general European 
ignorance of that great region which, no less than Europe itself, 
includes a multitude of different countries. And, as was stated 
with respect to China, so in the case of India, it was admiration, 


based upon very imperfect knowledge, which took precedence of 
more thoroughgoing research and discriminating investigation. In 
this case, it was a special admiration, having a certain definite ten- 
dency which became almost traditional. The religions of India, and 
the philosophies so closely allied to them, were from the eighteenth 
century downwards increasingly made known to European students, 
and struck some of them with awe. But, in this case, it was not 
the rationalist tendency, pervading as it did the century of enlighten- 
ment, but the romantic reaction against the prevalence of stern and 
cold intellectualism, that was at the bottom of the singular interest, 
an interest which, more particularly from the dawn of the nineteenth 
century, made India so attractive to scholars, filling the hearts 
of poets, philosophers and historians with an enthusiasm that saw 
an almost supernatural wisdom in the early records of Sanscrit 
learning, and sometimes dreamed of the aboriginal model-people, 
compared with which all the later civilisations only represented 
deterioration and decay. The glorification of the dead past led 
to a predilection for those living at a distance, both tendencies 
being deeply rooted in human nature. If not the cradle of the 
human race, which still, even by the majority of the learned, was 
located in the Holy Land, yet the original seats of the Aryans 
were supposed to be about the Himalaya Mountains. The com- 
parative science of languages established the identity of Sanscrit 
roots with those of the Hellenic, the Roman, the Teutonic, Slav 
and Celtic tongues. Even in Max Miiller's time there was, as 
he justly maintained, a vague charm associated with the name 
of India, if not in the country of its rulers, at least in France, 
Germany, and Italy, and even in Denmark, Sweden, and Russia. 
The eminent Orientalist pointed to Riickert's " Wisdom of the 
Brahmin " as one of the most beautiful poems in the German 
language, and observed that a scholar who studies Sanscrit was 
supposed to be initiated into the deep and dark mysteries of 
ancient wisdom. A certain amount of this reverence still survives. 
In Germany, at least, the disciples of Schopenhauer, among whom 
the name of Professor Paul Deussen must be mentioned with 
respect, consider the Vedanta Philosophy and the Upanishads 
as the earliest sources of that eternal truth concerning the Essence 
and the Destiny of mankind which has, according to them, found 
its recent prophet in Kant, and is more fully revealed through 
Schopenhauer's interpretation of the world. The Pantheistic trend 
of modern philosophy, in fact, recalls the Pantheism which pervades 
India. Somebody said about the middle of the last century that 
Pantheism is the secret religion of the educated German. It may 
be said to be the professed religion of the educated Hindu. And 


as Pantheistic thinkers always had a bent towards mysticism, and 
mystic thinkers frequently towards occultism, it is not surprising 
to observe that our spiritualists and so-called theosophists should 
turn their eyes again to the sacred East and to the valley of the 
Ganges, regarding with awe a revelation of hidden mental treasures 
which they sometimes think they discover in what is called esoteric 
Buddhism or the Light of Asia. Genuine Buddhism has also 
recently gained a growing number of adherents both in Europe 
and in America, and it also has had an intense revival in India 
itself, as witness the Maha-Bodhi Society of Calcutta. However, 
apart from these religious and metaphysical aspects, the prestige 
of early Indian culture has given way to cool and critical investiga- 
tion of the country and its inhabitants, of its past and present, 
including forecasts of its probable future, to a careful research of 
its manners and customs, of its law and administration, its religious 
and philosophical systems. It is thus that India has contributed 
largely to certain famous generalisations which have become per- 
manent elements in that characteristically modern (though ancient 
in its groundwork) science called Sociology. " India," said Sir 
Henry Maine, as early as 1875, " has given to the world Comparative 
Philology and Comparative Mythology " ; he was uncertain how 
to denominate another science, which owes so many valuable sug- 
gestions to himself, hesitating to call it Comparative Jurisprudence, 
" because, if it ever exists, its area will be so much wider than the 
field of law." I do not believe that there is good reason to object 
to the name of comparative sociology, though this would mean 
the investigation not merely of the early history, the evolution 
and present state of laws and of institutions, but of social life 
generally, including as it does the consequences of native propen- 
sities, of habits and customs, of original and acquired ideas and 
beliefs. Social life as a problem is the problem of the moral life, 
which, to a large extent, means the peaceful life of a people. It 
cannot be understood, except by those who possess a true insight 
into the mutual action and reaction of material conditions and 
spiritual conceptions, both of which concur in ruling the destinies 
of mankind. 

India also is said now to be awakening. We heard a great deal 
lately of Indian unrest. It is no part of my task to enter into 
the political side of this remarkable movement. Mentally and 
morally its significance seems to be expressed by the fact that 
the idea of progress has begun to shake the fundamental axioms 
which have hitherto been upheld steadfastly by nearly all the 
Orientals, embodying, as they do, the idea that the past, as such, is 
venerable, that tradition must be followed, that men can never do 


better than follow the morals set by their ancestors. Exponents 
of the principle of progress are generally apt to look disrespect- 
fully upon the past, and to forget the truth that survival is a 
test of strength and validity, that organic structures have generally 
grown fit by selection and by the struggle for existence, and that 
this holds, to a large extent, as well of social as of individual organic 
life. Yet life itself means change ; and a more radical change means 
a more vivid thrill of life, a fresh adaptation to novel circum- 
stances and conditions. It is that principle of progress, as Sir H. 
Maine pointed out, which Englishmen are communicating to India; 
they are passing on what they have received. " There is " with 
these words he concluded his memorable Rede Lecture, delivered 
before the University of Cambridge " no reason why, if it has time 
to work, the principle of progress should not develop in India effects 
as wonderful as in any other of the societies of mankind." We 
have already begun to see some of these wonderful effects. India 
is fast Europeanising, formidable as are the obstacles put in the 
way by its ancient Brahminic culture. Already we find the question 
raised of the emancipation of caste (meaning the elevation of the 
low-caste people), of the emancipation of women, emancipation of 
social usage from custom and superstition. University teaching 
has the effect of a dissolvent agency. Whether, as a whole, it 
may be deemed good or evil, the movement will prove irrevocable 
and irresistible in the long run, no matter what strong reactions it 
may temporarily encounter. All good Europeans will assuredly 
always look with admiration upon India's mental and moral 
treasures ; they will be prepared to adopt portions of them from 
the inhabitants of that admirable country, and they will be ready 
to welcome Hindu people whenever they may be anxious to 
participate in our own marvels of scientific and technical advance- 
ment. Of course, this maxim holds for all races of the human 

Hitherto we have only spoken of the remote East which has 
been the object, more or less, of recent discoveries and Occidental 
influences, but which is still imperfectly known even by our own 
most thoroughgoing scholars. Far different are the relations of 
Europe to the nearer parts of Asia and to the North of Africa, 
the historical character of which is decidedly Oriental. The roots 
of our own arts and sciences lie in these regions. For the most 
precious elements of European culture have developed in Greece, 
and Greece was the pupil of Egypt and of Asia, though its 
genius far outshone that of its teachers. To the Phoenicians the 
Western world owes the invention of letters, and Chaldaean appli- 
cation laid the early foundations of astronomy, Assyria generally 


fertilising all Semitic improvement. In the later period of the 
Roman Empire this all-absorbing State received a new religion, 
consisting of a mixture of Jewish theology and Greek philosophy 
or mysticism, the Cross overshadowing the Sun of the competing 
Mithra cult. The synagogue indeed became the model of the 
Christian church. The Jews have from various sources conveyed 
a great amount of learning from the ancient world to the modern. 
They have, by their astounding power of adaptation to foreign 
customs, languages, and ways of thinking, always been the great 
cosmopolitan mediators. But in the Middle Ages the influence 
of the Arabs became stronger and more organised, and they 
developed the first comparatively scientific civilisation after the fall 
of the Western Empire, on the Iberian Peninsula. They renewed 
and enlarged astronomical, geographical, and physiological obser- 
vation ; they promoted medical knowledge ; and it was through 
their translations that Aristotle became known to Christians. Their 
own metaphysical speculations, chiefly those of Avicenna and 
Averroes, acted as a powerful stimulant and ferment upon medieval 
scholasticism. But in mathematical and inductive science also they 
made considerable progress ; we still retain, in the names of algebra 
and chemistry (originally alchemy) the traces of our obligation to 
them. And were not the Arabs in perpetual contact with the 
Chinese? Did they not derive a good deal of their knowledge 
and of their institutions from the Persians ? Were they not, with 
Byzantium, the co-heirs of the Roman- Hellenic civilisation, and was 
not Byzantium itself a foster-parent to them ? Do we not find here 
the original unity and mutual interdependence of Oriental and 
Western science and art? 

In the fine arts, no less than in science and commerce, a peaceful 
contact of races has always counteracted their hostilities and hatred, 
because men are prone to admire what is new to them, and to regard 
foreign achievements as superior to their own. Foreign artists and 
artisans have often been invited to build cathedrals and palaces, 
to erect statues and to paint portraits. Great skill has always had 
migratory habits, and even masters have been ready to learn from 
masters. Commerce spread models and imported them from abroad, 
styles were modified by styles for instance, the Romanic architecture 
by the Moorish. Soon after the first circumnavigations of the earth, 
we find traces of Chinese and Japanese style in French and Italian 
barock architecture, and early in the eighteenth century " china " 
came into fashion in the courts of Europe. More recently, artistic 
influences have increased enormously, modern Europe being wholly 
receptive and fanciful in its predilections, everything Oriental 
appealing to the sense of grotesqueness and bizarrerie, which some- 



times rises to a morbid height among people of fashion, probably 
no less in the East than in the West. 

Art, it is true, generally has a national, or at least a racial stamp ; 
but literature, owing to its intellectual and moral bearings, is more 
essentially human in its character, in spite of differences of languages. 
It was Goethe who introduced the phrase " world-literature " into 
German. Following Herder, who collected the " Voices of Nations," 
he confessed that his early fondness for folk-lore had not vanished 
in old age ; and in lyric and dramatic art he tried to draw from 
foreign sources the quintessence of everything beautiful. He 
invented the songs of Suleika, in imitation of Persian poetry, and 
of Sakontala he says that he steeped his mind for years in the 
admiration of it. He also mentions with high appreciation other 
Indian poems, and even the Chinese drama or song did not escape 
his attention. He declares with confidence that in this present 
" most stirring " epoch, when communication was so greatly facili- 
tated, a world-literature was soon to be expected. What would he 
say of our time, when even in his own day he mentions journals and 
newspapers as a means of communication by which a nation may 
learn not only what happens to other nations politically, but the 
characters of their moral and intellectual life ? And this enlarged 
knowledge, in Goethe's opinion, would help to increase our esteem 
of foreigners, we being " always apt to esteem a nation less than it 
deserves," because we regard only external aspects which seem to 
us repulsive or at least ridiculous. 

These words are as true now as they were when they were 
written, about ninety years ago. Although intercommunication has 
vastly grown, and opportunities have increased, although the Press 
now goes from one end of the world to the other, we must confess 
that our knowledge of each other is scanty, that current views, even 
of statesmen and of others who decidedly belong to the cultivated 
classes, are often narrow, that a silly nationalist pride and exclusive- 
ness is often supported by absurd notions of foreign characters, by 
childish prejudices about habits and customs and ways of thinking 
differing from our own, by antiquated opinions never tested by 
experience, and, generally, by ignorance. What is to be done in 
order to make the peaceful contact between nations and races 
stronger and more effective in this respect? I venture to suggest 
and propose the following aids to this end : 

I. A universal language ought to be created as the common 
language of the cultured all over the world. I do not plead in favour 
of any innovation, being even somewhat afraid of a purely artificial 
language ; but I believe that Latin, the ancient lingua doctorum, 
might be revived in a new form. 


2. We should do what we can in the way of discouraging and 
preventing the over-production of foolish fiction in our own language, 
and of promoting translations of the master-works of all the national 

3. Translation itself must become a fine art and be cultivated as 
such. Translations are frequently done in a clumsy and unskilful 
way, sometimes by people who possess but slight grammatical 
knowledge of the language from which they are translating. 

4. The study of foreign countries and nations ought to be 
encouraged by scholarships, travelling fees, and other means. An 
exchange of lecturing professors is worth little as compared with 
an exchange of students. In particular, Western students should be 
enabled to spend a year or two in the East, with a view of becoming 
thoroughly familiar with the languages and characters of Indians, 
Chinese, Japanese, Siamese, Persians, Abyssinians, or Egyptians. 
No other task should be set them but this very important one. 

5. An international academy of social and moral science must be 
founded, in order to concentrate all our studies and endeavours of 
this nature. It would foster those feelings of human solidarity and 
brotherhood which have been taught by all the higher religions, as 
well as by the rationalistic and moral philosophies to which these 
religions owe their superiority. 

6. A re-organisation of the Press, with a view to its promoting 
kindlier feelings between nations and races through a more 
conscientious investigation of the true merits and peculiarities of 
each and a catholic appreciation of all noble endeavours towards 
the moral and intellectual improvement of mankind. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 


By M. H. LA FONTAINE, Brussels, 

Senator, President of the International Peace Bureau, General 
Secretary of the Institut International de Bibliographie, Professor 
of International Law. 

AT the present time, when so many are loud in praise of nationalist 
sentiments, and endeavour to keep the peoples of the world apart by 
artificial barriers, there is proceeding a great and majestic interpene- 
tration of races, interests, and ideas. The whole world is becoming 
one vast city. That is the real and consoling aspect of the present 
situation, in contrast with the superficial aspect of struggle, hatred, 


and defiance, which seems to many to be the proper way to regard 
the events of our time. 

In order to give a just idea of the movement which is impelling 
humanity toward a closer understanding and more peaceful accord, 
it would be necessary to consider both the work done by inter- 
governmental activity and that due to private enterprise. Although 
they are intimately connected, however, I have found it necessary to 
restrict this account to the field of free international institutions, a 
large and complex field, of which two figures will enable the reader 
to appreciate the extent. From 1843, when the first international 
congress was held on private initiative, until 1910 there were more 
than two thousand international meetings, of which eight hundred 
fall in the last decade. The total number of central offices of all 
kinds having for their object the study of questions of general human 
interest from a universal point of view already amounts to more than 
two hundred and fifty. l 

I cannot give here more than a brief sketch of the work done 
by these organisations and a very inadequate outline of the great 
work that remains to be done. In my opinion the account that 
I shall give will evince, on the one hand, the wide range of 
the movement of which I shall describe the various phases, and 
especially, on the other hand, the organic character that it has 
been possible to give it by the creation of a world-wide federative 

The first and most important matter that we have to consider is, 
obviously, the economic situation, i.e. t the circumstances of distribution 
and circulation. 

The establishment of a world-wide market is now an accomplished 
fact. The fluctuations of the prices of various kinds of products have 
no longer a local or national character ; they now have an immediate 
echo throughout the world. Trusts, pools, and syndicates have 
multiplied and enlarged. The international concentration of many 
industries is a notorious fact, in spite of the interested secrecy that 
envelops such combinations. 

In face of this concentration of trades and industries the workers 
have combined on their side, first in national and then in inter- 
national organisations. There are at the present time more than 
thirty international federations of trades, especially those of the 
miners, founders, paviors, dockers, printers, transport-workers, brewers, 
glass-workers, potters, metal-workers, diamond cutters, wood and 

1 See the Annuairc He la Vie Internationale, published by the Central Office of 
International Institutions, Brussels. [EDITOR. This volume may be warmly recom- 
mended to all who take an interest in international organisation.] 


leather-workers, furriers, textile-workers, tobacco-workers, saddlers, 
shoemakers, glovemakers, bookbinders, tailors, hatters, hairdressers, 
masons, painters, musicians, commercial employees, post, telegraph 
and railway servants, and assistants in hotels and restaurants. All 
these federations are centralised in the International Secretariat of 
the National Associations of Trade Unions. 1 

The workers' organisations aim chiefly at the improvement of 
the conditions of labour, and it soon became clear that this object 
involved international action. We may recall the interest that was 
aroused in 1890 by the convoking, at the instance of the Emperor of 
Germany, of the first international conference for the regulation of 
labour. It came to no conclusion, but from 1897 onward international 
congresses have been held for the purpose of uniting all who were 
interested in these questions and founding an " International Asso- 
ciation for the Legal Protection of Workers." The carrying out 
of the decisions taken in the biennial meetings of this Association 
was entrusted to the International Office of Labour, which is installed 
at Bale. It is supported by national sections, whose contributions, 
together with governmental subsidies, enable it to do its work. In 
this way it has succeeded in obtaining from various States a pro- 
hibition of the use of white phosphorus in the manufacture of matches 
and the abolition of night-work for women. There are also inter- 
national organisations for the prevention of Sunday labour, the 
prevention of strikes, the study of questions relating to accidents 
during work and to insurance. 

The work done by Governments in organising the circulation of 
men and of commodities is well known. The Postal Union, the 
Telegraphic Union, the Radiotelegraphic Union, and the Union for 
the Transport of Merchandise, have made one single territory of the 
whole world. On the sea the adoption of regulations as to uniform 
routes and the application of a national code of signals have con- 
secrated the world-old practice which has made the oceans the chief 
international routes. In this department the various States have been 
guided and inspired by vast associations like the " International 
Association of Railway Congresses," which is composed of forty-seven 
public administrations and four hundred and eleven private enter- 
prises ; and the " International Association of Navigation Congresses," 
which consists of twenty-two governmental administrations, two 
hundred and sixty private administrations, and more than fifteen 
hundred individual members. Not less important, from the same 
point of view, is the " International Union of Tramways and Rail- 

1 According to statistics published by this secretarial office there are 9,096,000 work- 
men members of trade unions in nineteen countries of Europe and America, and 
5,944,000 belong to organisations affiliated to the secretaryship. 


ways of Local Interest," which comprises five hundred and fifty 
tramway enterprises, services or companies. 

States have also devoted their attention to questions of hygiene 
and public health, but in this department there have long been 
powerful bodies concerned with propaganda and protection. The 
two most influential associations in this respect are the one which 
carries on the struggle against alcoholism, of which the first inter- 
national congress was held in 1878, and which has given birth in 
turn to two important bodies, the " International Blue Cross Feder- 
ation" and the " Independent Order of Good Templars"; and the 
one which protects young girls from the dangers of large towns, 
which dates from 1888, and acts through the " International Union of 
Friends of Young Women " and the " International Association for 
the Protection of Young Women." 

The protection of children, the care of abandoned children and of 
liberated prisoners, and the provision for the insane, the deaf and 
dumb, and the blind, have also been discussed in international meet- 
ings. We may also mention the " Universal Alliance of Young People's 
Christian Associations," which has more than 900,000 members. 1 

In connection with these grave problems relating to the moral 
and material welfare of humanity we must notice the work done in 
the field of insurance and mutual aid. Especially important are the 
congresses of accountants which have been held regularly every three 
years since 1895. The medical officers of the insurance companies 
have also had an international organisation since 1899. The mutual- 
aid movement, which has grown in a most remarkable manner, has 
succeeded in forming an " International Federation of Mutual Aid" 
and in creating a " Permanent Bureau of Study and Statistics of 
Mutual Aid." 

The no less important Co-operative Movement is allied to the 
mutual-aid movement. The need of an international organisation 
in this field was felt, and it was met in 1892 by the establishment 
of the " International Co-operative Alliance." There is also an 
" International Confederation of Agricultural Co-operative Societies," 
which comprises 28,000 societies." 

To the instances we have given we may add the associations 
which seek to improve the condition of the disinherited class. For 
this purpose was created an " International Institute for the Study of 
the Problem of the Middle Class." A like aim is proposed by the 
" Permanent International Committee of Cheap Housing." 

From the point of view of the pure sciences international co- 
operation is an undeniable fact. There are no discoveries which are 
not due to the work of scholars belonging to the most diverse nation- 
1 The total value of the property of the various associations is close upon ^12,000,000. 


alities. This has naturally led scientific men to form international 

The first place among the pure sciences is taken by mathematics, 
and the international meetings in connection with this science have 
been held every fourth year since 1 897. They have created a number 
of international bodies : the " International Commission for the 
Unification of Vectorial Notations," the " International Association for 
the Promotion of the Study of Quaternions," and the " International 
Commission of Mathematical Teaching." 

Astronomers have held international congresses since the year 
1865. They have established a number of international bodies, the 
chief of which is the " International Committee for the Construction 
of the Photographic Chart of the Heavens." This enterprise, which is 
entrusted to nineteen observatories, will necessitate the taking of no 
less than 22,000 photographs. There is also an " International Union 
for Solar Research." 

In connection with the measurement of time a " Permanent 
International Commission of Chronometry " was instituted in 1900. 
An " International Conference for the Choice of a First Meridian" in- 
troduced in 1 884 the system of horary spindles which is now adopted 
nearly everywhere. Other bodies led to the creation of special com- 
missions, especially that of photometrical unity, and an international 
standard of candle-power, the units of electricity sanctioned by many 
national legislations, and the uniform standardising of thermometers. 

The terrestrial globe has also attracted the international attention 
of scholars from various points of view. The geological study of it, 
in the first place, has occupied the debates of the International 
Geological Congresses, which meet every three years, since 1878. 
These Congresses have organised international commissions with the 
charge of unifying the figures and terms used in geology, as well 
as commissions of stratigraphy, petrography, palaeontology, and 
geothermics. There has also been established an " International 
Glacial Association " and an " International Volcanic Institute." 

Hydrology, climatology, and meteorology are the subject of 
regular international congresses. An " International Meteorological 
Committee" has been at work since 1873, and has set up various 
special commissions within its department. An understanding has 
been arrived at for the purpose of securing uniformity in meteoro- 
logical observations at sea and in the polar regions. There is also 
an understanding in regard to the systematic exploration of the 
atmosphere by means of balloons. 

Passing from the earth to its inhabitants, we notice that for a long 
time back, since 1865, anthropological and prehistoric questions have 
given occasion for many important gatherings, among which those 


of the Orientalists and Americanists have attracted a good deal of 

In connection with the earth and its inhabitants, we may note the 
" International Congresses of Geography," which have been held since 
1871. To their initiative is due the creation of a map of the earth 
on the scale I : 1,000,000. The " International Polar Commission " 
belongs to the same department. 

What are commonly called the natural sciences have also inspired 
a number of international congresses. The Botanical Congresses, 
which began in 1861, gave birth to the " International Commission of 
Botanical Nomenclature " and the " International Association of 
Botanists." The Zoological Congresses began in 1889, and led to the 
adoption of a uniform procedure in the naming of species and the 
representation of figures. There has also been established an " Inter- 
national Ornithological Committee." Physiologists have, besides 
their triennial congress, two international laboratories for research, 
the " Institut Marey," and the " Monte Rosa Laboratory." The 
anatomists have formed an international association, and have also 
established an " International Committee for the Study of the Brain." 

Chemists also have international meetings, both from the purely 
scientific point of view, and in connection with the various industrial 
applications of chemical science. 1 On their initiative there have been 
formed international commissions for the unification of the methods 
of analysing food-stuffs and petroleum. 

Finally, the highest scientific authorities of the world have founded 
the " International Association of Academies." This Association 
chiefly lends its patronage or approval to autonomous institutions 
such as the Institut Marey and the International Polar Commission, 
or to enterprises of universal import such as the Catalogue of Scientific 
Publications, the reprinting of the works of Leibnitz, and the critical 
edition of the Mahabharata. It has also interested itself in the 
international loan of manuscripts. 

If we now turn to the applied sciences, we find that the movement 
in the direction of an international understanding is, perhaps, keener 
in this department than in that of the pure sciences. 

Among the more important meetings of this kind we may quote 
the " International Congresses of Medical Science," which go back to 
1 867, and always have very crowded gatherings. Besides these general 
congresses there is quite a number of congresses in special branches 
of medicine. Thus the homeopathists meet regularly since 1876, the 
dermatologists since 1889, the neurologists since 1885, the alienists 
since 1889, and the surgeons, who have had meetings since 1888, 
formed in 1905 an " International Society of Surgery." The inter- 
1 The last Congress, held at London in 1909, was attended by 3,000 members. 


national congresses of dentists, which are almost as important as those 
of the medical men, have been held regularly since 1889. The 
ophthalmologists were among the first to hold international congresses. 
Their first meeting was in 1857. The otologists and laryngologists 
have assembled regularly since 1889, and the gynecologists since 
1892. Lastly, the veterinary surgeons, whose congresses also are of 
great importance, began to hold meetings in 1862. 

With medical questions are closely connected those relating to 
therapeutics. The pharmacists met for their first international con- 
gress at Brunswick in 1865, and their tenth congress was held at 
Brussels in 1910. Their discussions are chiefly occupied with the 
unification of pharmacopseias. 

Vaccination has led to stirring congresses of anti-vaccinators. 
Physicotherapeutics, the applications of which became more and more 
numerous in our time, has had congresses of recent years ; the first 
was held at Liege in 1905, and the fourth will be held at Berlin in 
1912. Thalassotherapeutics, one of the most ancient forms of physico- 
therapeutics, has been discussed at numbers of international meetings, 
the first of which was held in 1894. Electrotherapeutics and radi- 
ology have been the subjects of several congresses, the first of which 
met at Como in 1 899. Experimental hypnotism has been the subject 
of international congresses since 1889. 

Finally, certain particular maladies insomnia, cancer, leprosy, and 
especially tuberculosis have attracted the attention of specialists of 
all countries, and led them to hold international meetings. 

There is also an " International Association of the Medical 
Press," and an " International Committee of Medical Teaching" was 
established in 1910. 

In the department of technology the engineers and industrial 
workers have long felt the need of international meetings. As early 
as 1878 the civil engineers held their first international congress at 
Paris. The electricians in turn assembled in the same city in 1881, 
and in 1902 they established an " International Union of Electrical 
Stations," which has held annual meetings since that date. The 
international congresses of mines and metallurgy, which have been 
held regularly since 1889, are amongst the most important in technical 
matters. Technical workers have also held international meetings in 
connection with the unification of the standards of assaying material, 
the mechanical and hygienic improvement of workshops, and the 
supervision and safety of steam-driven machinery. 

The technique of private industry has also been the occasion of 
international meetings. Brewers, distillers, bakers, confectioners, 
workers in petroleum, acetylene gas, cement, and paper, and cotton- 
spinners, have regular international meetings. In connection with 


spinning, we have also the question of international uniformity in the 
numbering of threads, which has been dealt with in international 

Agriculturists have had international meetings since 1848, and their 
Congresses have been held regularly since 1889. With these we may 
connect the special meetings devoted to agricultural associations, agri- 
cultural education, colonial agronomics, the unification of the methods 
of analysing manures and cattle-foods, and agricultural mechanics. 

The importance of the cultivation of certain products has led to 
the holding of special congresses. We find congresses that have been 
held to discuss the cultivation of rice, viticulture, sylviculture and 
horticulture. In the same group we may place all the meetings in 
relation to zootechnics, especially the international congresses for the 
rational feeding of cattle, and the congresses of aviculture, and apicul- 
ture. Dairymen have held bi-annual congresses since 1903. 

Lastly, questions of hunting and fishing have also engaged the 
attention of specialists of all countries, especially questions relating to 
sea fisheries. 

The juridical sciences have inspired very important international 
associations, which are of world-wide repute, and of quite preponderant 
authority. These are the " Association for the Reform and Codifica- 
tion of the Law of Nations," which is now known under the title of the 
" International Law Association," and the " Institute of International 
Law and Comparative Legislation." 

Questions of special law have, on the other hand, led to the 
establishment of important international bodies. One of the most 
important is the " International Union of Penal Law," which has held 
regular meetings since 1889. The International Penitentiary Con- 
gresses are almost equally important. The first was held in 1846, 
and was one of the first international congresses to take place any- 
where. With this twofold organisation of penal law we must connect 
the international congresses of criminal anthropology, which has been 
held since 1885. 

Among questions of private law those in regard to industrial, 
literary, and artistic proprietorship have led to the formation of two 
vast associations, whose meetings have had a decisive influence on 
the intergovernmental conventions which control patent rights, trade- 
marks, and the rights of authors. There is also an " International 
Maritime Commission," the influence of which on international legis- 
lation concerning the boarding and salving of vessels has just led to 
the adoption of an intergovernmental convention of great importance. 
The unification of commercial law has also been the subject of many 
international congresses, which have especially discussed the simplifi- 
cation and unification of the rules relating to letters of exchange. 


Finally, administrative law has recently given birth to a 
" Permanent Commission of the International Congresses of the 
Administrative Sciences." 

In the department of philosophy, religion, and morals, there have 
also been established certain important international bodies. In the 
first place we must quote the international congresses of philosophy 
and psychology; then the " International Union of Ethical Societies." 
The Churches themselves constitute vast international associations, 
and their councils and conventions are real international meetings. 
The successful attempt at Chicago in 1893 to hold a "World's 
Parliament of Religions " will be remembered. Since that time 
there have been international meetings for discussing the history of 
religion every four years. 

Some of the religious bodies have organised international 
congresses, such as the Eucharistic Congresses, those of the Old 
Catholics, and those of Liberal Christianity, the Baptists, and the 
Universal Evangelical Alliance. We must mention, too, the " Sal- 
vation Army," which has more than 100,000 members scattered 
throughout the world, the " International Federation of Free- 
thinkers," and " Universal Freemasonry." 

The pacifist movement is bound up in some of its aspects with 
the political and juridical life of nations ; but it must also find a place 
here on account of its lofty moral purpose. The movement began 
in 1815. The annual congresses it has held since 1889 attract in- 
creasing attention, and have the support of innumerable societies in 
every country of the world, which are grouped round the " Inter- 
national Permanent Peace Bureau " at Berne. Some of these 
societies have themselves an international character, such as the 
" International Peace Institute," the " International Conciliation," 
the " International League of Peace and Liberty," and the " Inter- 
national Museum of War and Peace." 

Two of the most important international establishments, the Nobel 
Institute and the recent Carnegie Institution, are associated with this 
movement. It is, perhaps, interesting to note that the first pacifist 
congress, which met in London in 1843, was the first manifestation of 
the international spirit which is spreading so rapidly in our own time. 

Education, in every aspect and degree, has been the subject of 
numbers of international discussions. Besides the congresses which 
have discussed education in general, some have been devoted to 
primary, secondary, and higher education, popular education, family 
education, and moral education. International organisations have 
been formed, as we stated previously, for the promotion of mathe- 
matical and medical education. Others have been created to pro- 
mote commercial education and the teaching of living tongues. 


The internationalisation of studies has led numbers of students to 
travel, and of late years we have witnessed an active exchange of pro- 
fessors between different countries. This has led in turn to the 
establishment in many universities of cosmopolitan clubs, which have 
been united in an international association since 1907. The students 
have further established the vast federation of the " Corda Fratres," 
and other more exclusive federations, such as those of the Christian 
students, the Catholic students, and the Socialist students. On the 
other hand, the professors of primary education have gathered round 
the " International Bureau of Federations of Teachers." 

An effort is being made at the present time to attain an " equiva- 
lence of diplomas," 1 and to establish an "International Pedagogical 
Centre." There are also in many countries institutes of higher 
studies, which are the embryos of real international schools, and the 
idea has arisen of uniting them in a larger organisation, which would 
be the " International University," or rather, the " World-School." 2 
We must also call attention to the project of establishing an 
" International Bureau of Universities," and to the growth in recent 
years of inter-scholastic correspondence. 

With the question of education we may connect the idea of 
choosing a universal language. Annual congresses have, since 1906, 
brought together in large numbers the admirers of the Esperanto 
language. On the other hand, an " International Delegation for the 
adoption of a Universal Language" was established in 1901. In 
the department of languages we must also notice the existence of an 
" International Phonetic Association," an " International Federation 
for the Extension and Cultivation of the French Language," and the 
" International Society of Romance Dialectology." 

The long and somewhat fastidious enumeration which we have 
been compelled to make was necessary in order to give some 
approximate idea of the proportions of the spirit which is seeking 
to organise the world on international lines. Nevertheless, to com- 
plete the story, we ought further to have spoken of bodies of the 
greatest importance such as the " International Union of Press 
Associations," the " International Institute of Sociology," the 
" International Institute of Statistics," the " International Colonial 
Institute," the " International Economic Union," the " Permanent 
Committee of Chambers of Commerce," the " International Council 
of Women," and the " International Association of Cold." 

We ought also to trace the history of the Universal Exhibitions, 
of which no one now questions the great influence on civilisation. As 

1 This equivalence has been conventionally admitted by the American Conference 
of 1902. 

1 There has been some question of founding such a school in Belgium. 


is known, an " International Federation of Permanent Exhibition 
Committees " forms a connecting link between them, and endeavours 
to give them an increasingly synthetic organisation. There is also 
some attempt to follow up the exhibitions of things with exhibitions 
of ideas. Even in 1878, 1889, and 1900 the organisation of inter- 
national congresses was centralised at Paris ; but it was at Saint Louis 
in 1904 that the " International Congress of Science and Art" realised 
most effectively a genuinely encyclopaedic and universal programme. 

We ought also to have spoken of the arts, which have inspired a 
number of gatherings : architecture, music, public art, and photo- 
graphy have been the subjects of many important congresses. Even 
sport, which plays a considerable part in the international relations of 
our time, would deserve our attention. The " International Olympic 
Committee" and the "International League of Tourist Associations " 
are the most influential bodies in this field ; and to them we must add 
bodies which are occupied with particular sports, such as cycling, 
motoring, aeronautics, gymnastics, skating, or Alpine sports. 

We cannot, however, conclude our condensed account of the 
present state of international activity without devoting a few lines to 
the work done by those who are seeking to make an intellectual 
inventory of the world. Various Governments have already agreed 
to subsidise the " International Catalogue of Scientific Literature," 
which has been undertaken by the Royal Society of London with 
the assistance of regional centres. But the " International Institute 
of Bibliography and Documentation " has confronted the problem in 
all its magnitude. The work that it has imposed on itself consisted 
at first in collecting and methodically classifying the titles of all the 
works that have ever been written and published, but it has had 
gradually to enlarge its scheme and endeavour to bring together 
the works and publications themselves, and make summaries of them, 
which constitute so many chapters and paragraphs in the " Universal 
Book." The ambition of the promoters of this work is to summarise 
this great book, and thus raise a monument to human thought which 
will constitute the " Universal and Perpetual Encyclopaedia." This 
encyclopaedia will have as its collaborators the thinkers of every age 
and country. It will represent the " Sum Total " of the intellectual 
achievements of the ages. 

Such, in broad outline, is the immense labour that is being 
accomplished by men of every nation and religion, every race and 
all shades of opinion. They recognise no frontiers : their country is 
a province of the world- wide empire of which they are fellow-citizens. 
Sometimes, indeed, they have no clear perception of the fact ; they 
are not conscious that they are working together for the realisation of 
international life. To enkindle this consciousness, to materialise in 


some measure the movement which is bearing humanity onward to a 
condition of harmony, a mutual understanding, and a closer co- 
operation in every country, is the aim of the founders of the " Central 
Office of International Institutions." They believe that, besides the 
problems that are peculiar to each branch of human knowledge, there 
are interests of a universal order which it is important to examine 
and study in common, and that there are certain general services to 
be rendered and organised. On that account they invited all who 
are entrusted with the direction of international bodies to take part 
in the " World-Congress of International Associations." At its first 
sittings * the Congress discussed the following questions : the inter- 
national juridical status of international associations, the establish- 
ment of international systems of unity in science and technics, the 
international organisation of documentation, scientific and technical 
language, and the organisation of co-operative action between inter- 
national institutions. The Central Office of International Institu- 
tions was 2 selected by the Congress as its permanent organ. 

There is now, therefore, a centre of attraction round which, 
following the hierarchy of the sciences, the various international 
bodies may be grouped, and discharge in harmony their share in the 
elaboration and diffusion of knowledge. A voluntary undertaking, 
dependent on free co-operation, it will be at once the most eloquent 
symbol and the most patent proof of the unity of races. 
\Paper submitted in French.] 


United States Delegate to the International Institute of Agriculture. 

" The wolf also shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall lie down with 
the kid, and the calf and the young lion and the falling together, and a little 
child shall lead them." 

" And He shall judge among the nations, and shall rebuke many people ; and 
they shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning- 
hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war 
any more." 

THE International Institute of Agriculture may be deemed a step in 
evolutionary development, development in the field of economics. It 

1 The Congress was held at Brussels from the gth to the nth of May, 1910 ; one 
hundred and thirty-two international associations were represented at it. 

* On this body see the pamphlet which deals specially with it, Office Central ties 
Institutions Internationales, rue de la Regence, 3bis ; 8, 32 pp., I franc. 


is substantially a world co-operative institution, a world clearing- 
house of economic information. It is, in fact, the first permanent 
international parliament, a permanent parliament for economic 

The initiative toward founding this Institute was taken by His 
Majesty the King of Italy, who called a Conference of the Govern- 
ments for this purpose. This Conference met in Rome in May-June, 
1905, and formulated a Treaty for the establishment of the Institute. 
This Treaty was ratified by forty-seven Governments, and the 
adhering countries now embrace 98 per cent, of the population 
and 95 per cent, of all the land of the world. 

When the Treaty had been duly ratified by the adhering Govern- 
ments, a building was erected for the Institute in the grounds of the 
Villa Borghese, in Rome, at the expense of His Majesty the King of 
Italy, who, in addition to this, munificently endowed the Institute 
with an income of 60,000 dollars a year. 

Each of the nations adhering to the Institute is classed in one of 
five groups, which contribute to the support of the Institute in accord- 
ance with a ratio fixed for each group by the Treaty. 

The supreme direction and control of the Institute is in the hands 
of the General Assembly, consisting of delegates appointed by the 
adhering Governments. The General Assembly is empowered, 
under Article 5 of the Treaty, to submit for the approval of the 
adhering Governments proposals for an enlargement of the functions 
of the Institute. 

The administration of the Institute is entrusted to the Permanent 
Committee, composed of forty-seven delegates each representing one of 
the adhering countries. These delegates reside permanently in Rome. 
The executive officers are the President, Marquis Cappelli, delegate 
of Italy ; the Vice-President, Mr. Louis Dop, delegate of France ; 
and the Secretary-General, Professor P. Jannaccone. At present the 
staff consists of eighty-two employees of different nationalities. 

The functions of the Institute are defined in Article 9 of the 
Treaty, 1 and the work has been divided between four bureaus : 

1 ARTICLE 9. The Institute, confining its operations within an international 
sphere, shall 

(a) Collect, study, and publish as promptly as possible statistical, technical, or 
economic information concerning farming, both vegetable and animal products, the 
commerce in agricultural products, and the prices prevailing in the various markets ; 

(6) Communicate to parties interested, also as promptly as possible, all the informa- 
tion just referred to ; 

(c) Indicate the wages paid for farm work ; 

(d) Make known the new diseases of vegetables which may appear in any 
part of the world, showing the territories infected, the progress of the disease, and, 
if possible, the remedies which are effective in combating them. 

(e) Study questions concerning agricultural co-operation, insurance, and credit 
in all their aspects ; collect and publish information which might be useful in the 


1. The administrative bureau ; 

2. The bureau of crop-reporting and agricultural statistics ; 

3. The bureau of agricultural intelligence and diseases of plants ; 

4. The bureau of economic and social institutions (agricultural 

co-operation, insurance, and credit). 

The main service of the Institute is crop-reporting, the importance 
of which will be made manifest by what follows. 

The world's price of the staples of agriculture has a direct bearing 
on the home price, and the home price of the staples determines the 
status of the capital and labour of the farm, also the status of the 
capital and labour of the factory (for the staples of agriculture are 
the raw material of the manufacturer). Therefore, the price of the 
staples of agriculture influences the economic condition of all the 

Now, the knowledge of the world's summary of the stocks on 
hand and the condition of the growing crops are the basis for the 
formation of the world's price, and, consequently, of the home price 
of the staples of agriculture. It is, therefore, of primary importance 
that such world summary be official and authoritative. 

But, previous to the establishment of the International Institute 
of Agriculture, the dissemination of this summary was done by 
private, and therefore interested, concerns ; it reached the public in 
the form of several and divergent statements, and was consequently 
the cause of unnecessary and oft-times violent fluctuations in the 
price of the staples, thereby unsettling the economic condition of all 
the people. 

The chief purpose of the International Institute of Agriculture is 
to remove the cause of these fluctuations, to remove the obstacles 
which impede the operation of the law of supply and demand in the 
formation of the prices of the staples of agriculture. And this the 
Institute does by supplying all concerned with an official and 
authoritative summary of the condition of the growing crops and 
the world's supply. 

Accordingly, each of the adhering Governments supplies the 
Institute with its own crop-reporting data, relating (a) to the condi- 
tion of the growing crops, and (b), to harvest yields in each country. 

various countries in the organisation of works connected with agricultural co-operation, 
insurance, and credit ; 

(/) Submit to the approval of the Governments, if there is occasion for it, measures 
for the protection of the common interests of farmers and for the improvement 
of their condition, after having utilised all the necessary sources of information, 
such as the wishes expressed by international or other agricultural congresses or 
congresses of sciences applied to agriculture, agricultural societies, academies, learned 
bodies, &c. 

All questions concerning the economic interests, the legislation, and the adminis- 
tration of a particular nation shall be excluded from the consideration of the Institute. 


This is done on a uniform plan adopted by the General Assembly in 
1909. The Statistical Bureau of the Institute employs this data 
in its mathematical calculations, deducing, in the form of a " Single 
Numerical Statement" the summary for the world, thus : 100 being 
taken as a normal, when the Institute reports 101 it indicates that 
the condition or yield of the world's crop is I per cent above the 
normal ; when the Institute reports 99 it means that it is I per cent, 
below the normal, and so forth. This is the method employed by 
the American Department of Agriculture for reporting crop condi- 
tions and yields in the United States, and it has been adopted by 
the Institute for reporting crop conditions and yields for the world. 

The effect of the Institute's reports, expressed in the Single 
Numerical Statement for the world, disseminated each month tele- 
graphically and by printed bulletins, was apparent almost from the 
start. The volume of wheat production for 1910 was very unevenly 
distributed ; some countries having deficits and others large surpluses 
as compared to the production for the previous year. The imme- 
diate effect of a knowledge of local conditions in each of these 
countries was to unsettle prices, with a tendency to undue depression 
or inflation as the unusual surplus or deficit became known. But 
the Institute's reports, giving simultaneously the figures for all the 
countries, and drawing therefrom the total for the world in the form 
of a Single Numerical Statement, showed that the deficits were 
amply balanced by the surpluses, and that the world, as a whole, had 
produced substantially the same amount as the previous year. The 
effect of this was to steady the market and maintain normal prices, 
preventing the bearing down of the price in countries where the 
product was unusually abundant, and unjustifiable advances in 
countries where there was a deficit in the crop. Thus the Institute 
acts as an instrument towards making equity in exchange. 

What has thus far been set forth is but a mere outline of some 
phases of the work done by the Institute. The limited space at my 
command does not permit further detail. This must be left for the 
discussion promised on the subjects to be brought up at this Congress. 

Substantially, then, the International Institute of Agriculture is 
to provide the world with a new measure ; a measure of the world's 
supply of the staples of agriculture ; a measure as important in 
economic well-being as is the " dry measure," the " liquid measure," 
or the "time measure." And since the surest criterion between a 
lower and a higher civilisation is the comparative perfection of 
weights and measures, and their just application, it must follow that 
the Institute in this work is destined to serve as one of the rungs in 
the evolutionary ladder of civilisation. 

We talk of the Flag, of Liberty, of Freedom, but in the 100 cents of 


a dollar, is not each cent a measure of liberty, a measure of freedom ? 
Has not its owner the liberty to exchange each cent for a certain 
measure of goods or for a certain measure of leisure? Hence it must 
follow that a cause which robs the cent of its purchasing power robs 
its owner of a like measure of liberty and freedom. 

It was to prevent this universal, this international, robbery that 
the nations ratified the treaty establishing this Institute. 

But a most important function of the Institute has yet to be 
stated : the International Institute of Agriculture is destined to 
become the world's temple of peace. 

And on this head let me quote what Professor Carver of Harvard 
University says : 

I am particularly interested in the possibilities of the Institute as a factor in 
international peace. If the leading nations can be brought together in any kind 
of co-operative work for the general good of the civilised world, such as your 
system of crop-reporting, the very fact of working together will tend to produce 
friendship, and to make war hereafter impossible. It is probable that inter- 
national unity will never come about by merely saying " Go to now, let us be 
united," but it will come about by just this form of co-operative work for a 
useful purpose, without much immediate thought as to its future reactions in 
the field of international friendship. 

The sages and prophets of our day find their task easier than 
of yore, for the time has at last come when it is beginning to be 
understood that robbery, covetous greed, or disorder is not nearly 
as profitable as Equity, Service, and Order. It is now beginning 
to be understood that the economic gloom of one country casts 
its dark shadow of loss and suffering on all other countries, and 
that the sun of prosperity which shines in one country sheds its 
beneficent rays abroad, blessing all the other countries. 

And what mode is there for the surer and quicker realisation 
of International Equity, of International Service, and of International 
Order than through an International Parliament? 

But Parliaments, and above all International Parliaments, do 
not come, nor would they endure, without a struggle. And this 
applies particularly to this first international economic parliament, 
the International Institute of Agriculture. The forces which find 
it in their interest to disintegrate its structure are among the 
most crafty and powerful in the world, and they have a reach 
which goes direct to the heart of Governments. 

Those, therefore, who champion the cause of international amity, 
should be among the first to take up an unmistakable stand in 
relation to this beginning of international parliamentary life ; they 
may justify their activity in this field of service in behalf of peace 
by their support of the International Institute of Agriculture 
and there can be no place or occasion better suited towards this 
appeal than this first Universal Races Congress. 
[Paper submitted in English.] 


-T3o ; 7<i nif>nV> lto haliiso n^ixf ?,fifi /how airfT 


Professor of Ethnography in the University of Ley den. 

THE considerations that led to the establishment of the Batak 
Institute at Leyden (1908) are as follows. Colonial Powers know, 
as a rule, far too little of the peoples of different races under their 
sway to be able to maintain an intercourse with them that may be 
called rational in all respects or to establish a rule in harmony with 
the opinions of the subject-race and the popular institutions based 
on them. By the word "rule" we must not chiefly understand 
administration and legislation, and certainly not these alone, but, 
first and foremost, the guidance of a people along paths that may 
lead to a healthy elevation of the standard of the whole of their 
social, economic, intellectual, and ethical life in harmony with their 
physical and psychical capabilities. 

In order to acquire the knowledge that is indispensable for the 
accomplishment of this purpose in colonies as extensive as the Dutch 
Indies, it seems necessary that the first steps should be taken by 
private initiative, which is freer in its movements than Government, 
and that these early attempts should be focussed on a carefully 
chosen and sharply defined sphere. In this manner, hints may be 
collected for the Government as to the general policy which it 
should pursue, and an example may be set of intercourse between a 
Western and an Eastern race that is equally beneficial to both parties. 

It was partly the influence of existing circumstances, partly 
personal reasons, that made the choice for a first attempt in this 
direction fall on the Batak, a tribe inhabiting the central mountain 
regions and plateaux of the northern part of Sumatra between the 
Menanghabau countries in the south and Acheh (Acheen) in the north. 

After a careful preparation which began in 1905, after obtaining 
information from officials as well as from private persons, and after 
consultation with various Departments of State, scientific associations, 
and missionary societies, the following method of setting to work 
was decided upon : 

(i) To bring together in a separate library as complete a collection as 
possible of the extant literature (including records, archives, and other reports). 
(2) To publish a survey (bibliography) of this collection. (3) To enter into 
personal relations with officials and private persons living in the country and to 
ensure their co-operation for the future, which is necessary for the acquisition 
and extension of our knowledge of local conditions, wants, and circumstances. 
(4) To compose a simple collective work, after the example of the Anglo-Indian 
District Gazetteers, which will give a summary account of what we know and 
what we do not know about the region under discussion. 


This work has been carried out (from 1905 to 1911) by a per- 
manent official, under the superintendence and guidance of the 
" directorium," who, having spent several years in a special part of 
the country of the Batak, and from the nature of his profession had 
had an opportunity of obtaining considerable knowledge of both 
people and country. 

This work, however necessary as a preparation, is, if not wholly, 
at least chiefly, theoretical, and will have to be followed by practical 
measures, which will be much more expensive. The Institute has 
already made a beginning with this second task. Some time ago 
attention was directed to the exploitation (probably for the greater 
part through irrigation) of a fairly extensive plateau (the plateau of 
Sibolangit) situated in the higher parts of Deli and inhabited by 
Batak. Moreover, encouragement is given to the spreading of the 
Dutch language among the Batak who wish to learn it. Lastly, the 
Institute undertook to send out (February, 1911) an agriculturist 
with good practical and theoretical knowledge, who is at the same 
time no stranger in the department of commerce. His destination 
was the Karo plateau in the highlands, far inland, in the district of 
the east coast of Sumatra, which is rich in plantations. The purpose 
of this mission was to bring the natives, especially through practical 
demonstration, to a wiser conduct of their principal branch of cultiva- 
tion, viz., of rice, and to the growing of such produce as is likely, to 
find a favourable market in the lowlands in Deli first of all, perhaps 
afterwards also in the Straits Settlements. 

If this attempt proves successful it will, on the one hand, promote 
the economic progress of the natives and, on the other hand, attract 
the interest of the European colonists to the Batak and their country. 

Already a " Batak Society " has been established at Medan (1909), 
and it proposes to support the measures taken in the interests of the 
Batak and their country. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 




Professor of Social Ethics in Columbia University, New York. 

IN so brief a paper on so large a subject, a bare indication of 
certain principal ideas must needs suffice. The first thought to 
be mentioned is the indispensableness of more explicit conceptions 
of the ideal to be realised in international relations. This Congress 
is devoted to the promotion of right international relations. Right 
relations are essentially ideal relations. The unethical conditions 
now prevailing between the different national and racial groups are 
due, in no small degree, to false ideals. False ideals can only be 
met and overcome by true. But what are the true ideals ? Looking 
forward to the future of humanity, what sort of relations between 
its different components should we consider satisfactory? This 
question, surely, cannot be evaded. 

In regard to the goal ahead, two errors are often committed. 
The one is illustrated by the use made of the phrase, "The 
parliament of man and the federation of the world." A parliament, 
a political device or instrument intended, in a general way, to secure 
beneficent ends, and admittedly securing them most imperfectly, is 
presented to the imagination as the terminus ad quem of international 
progress ; and this instead of a distinct statement of the ends them- 
selves towards which international progress is to be directed. It 
seems to be the opinion of those who take this poetic phrase more 



or less literally that if only, in some capitol of the whole earth, 
a parliament could be got together representing all the different 
terrestrial interests, the welfare of mankind would be assured. 

It is forgotten that no parliament ever yet existed which has 
learned to do justice even to the narrower set of interests confided 
to it ; that no parliament has as yet been free from the taint of class 
legislation and favouritism. And whether a parliament having for its 
constituency all the populations of the earth would be a manageable 
institution, and whether, if it could be set to work, it would operate 
more equably for the benefit of all than the present national 
parliaments, is, at least, an open question. 1 The second and more 
common error is to dismiss as visionary all thought of the ultimate 
goal, and to concentrate effort on the next step to be taken (without 
regard to whither it may ultimately lead) : the next step being relief 
from the pressure of present evils. The international situation is 
full of menace and cause for the gravest anxiety. What are we 
coming to, with all these incessant warlike preparations, this strain 
upon the economic resources of the civilised nations, the new peril 
due to the closer approach with all the possibilities of friction 
involved of the Occidental and Oriental peoples? The human 
race has run into a kind of blind alley, from which, by merely going 
on as heretofore, there is no escape. It must in some fashion 
retrace its steps and proceed in a new direction. We have plunged 
into a kind of morass. Should it not be our first and exclusive 
concern, it is said our next step to try to extricate ourselves 
from this marsh ; to put terra firma under our feet ; in other words, 
by means of arbitration treaties, international courts, and the like, to 
secure peace ? 

But what is it that has brought us to such a pass? Is it not false 
ideals false military ideals, false ideals of national prestige and of 
material aggrandisement? And by what psychological and moral 
enginery shall we be lifted out of the marsh, if not by that of better 
and sounder ideals ? Peace itself is only a means, not an end. To 
what end, then, do we desire peace ? This is the most pertinent 
question of all. Is it for the multiplication of the sources of material 
enjoyment? Is it for the development of culture? and if so, is it 
for the development of a single type of civilisation Western 
civilisation, for instance? And is this to be extended universally, 
suppressing every other type ? Whatever the end, let it be defined ; 

1 This is not intended to discredit the idea of such an Amphyctionic council, or of a 
veritable parliament of nations, but to draw attention to the fact that a parliament 
is a means to an end ; that the means cannot work successfully without a clear and 
just conception of the end to be promoted. This, indeed, is lacking as yet within the 
field of national politics, and clarification as to the international ideals would have 
a retro-active effect upon national ideals as well. 


let it be put into the foreground ; let it be envisaged in distinct 
outline. 1 

The appeal to sympathy alone will not suffice. We have in 
modern times, it is true, become more sensitive to pain ; and the 
horrors of war, when depicted by graphic pens, evoke temporarily 
a profound revulsion. But sympathy is in its nature fluctuating, and 
in larger groups of men, as well as in individuals, it is apt to alternate 
with the hardest kind of selfishness. Nor will the waste of war and 
the impoverishment that follows in its train serve as a deterrent. In 
moments of passion, a kind of frenzy is apt to be generated ; all 
considerations of advantage are apt to be thrown to the winds ; and 
all the arguments that an enlightened selfishness can produce are 
addressed to deaf ears. Nor will the growth of democracy prove 
a sufficient safeguard against the plague of war. On the contrary, a 
novel peril appears in the contagious rapidity with which emotional 
excitement is propagated among crowds ; and democracies, as ex- 
perience has shown, are quite as ready to kindle at the thought of 
conquest and are quite as likely to become delirious at the bare 
suspicion of an affront to national honour as single rulers or aris- 
tocracies. A stronger motive is needed ; one that will appeal, not so 
much to ephemeral feeling or to the baser selfish instincts as to the 
most permanent and the loftiest of human interests, if, in the 
long run, the objects which the peace movement has in view are 
to be achieved. Not peace itself, but the ends which peace is to 
subserve, should be held up to view. As Anaxagoras observed to 
Pericles, " They who desire the lamp, will feed the oil " : they who 
desire the lamp and light of ultimate right international relations, 
will be the most effective workers for the peace which is the sine qua 
non of such relations. 

The purpose of this paper is really fulfilled in what has already 
been said. What remains is a short statement, intended to serve, by 
way of illustration, of the ideal principle as apprehended by the 
writer. This principle is that of the organisation of humanity. It 
is sometimes hastily assumed that society is actually an organism. 2 

1 The above remarks are not intended to encourage the construction of Utopias, 
although even these have their value ; yet it is impossible to look ahead far enough to 
elaborate in detail the picture of a desirable condition of human life in the distant 
future. This will depend on conditions and changes in condition which no one can 
now forecast. It is possible, however, to formulate a point of view, a principle, and 
a rule of conduct which shall determine the actions of men in the effort to secure the 
desirable future. Attempts at such formulations within the narrower political circum- 
scription of the State have not been wanting. It is the plea of this paper that they 
should be more bravely applied to the relations of State with State, and that the 
problems of international ethics, as distinct from international law, should be more 
vigorously attacked. 

* The word " organism" in the above is used for lack of a better. In reality, a new 
coinage is needed. A term like " met-organic, 1 ' formed on the analogy of met-empirical, 


This is far from being the case. But the goal to be kept in view, 
the directive principle, is that of the progressive organisation of the 
relations between peoples and racial groups. 

And in the concept " organisation " are involved two postulates. 
One is the obligation to promote the utmost differentiation of the 
types of culture, the utmost variety and richness in the expression of 
the fundamental human faculties. The garden of humanity should 
present the spectacle of flowers infinitely varied in hue and fragrance. 
The human orchard should include trees bearing the most diverse 
fruit It has often been said that greed and the lust of dominion are 
the principal causes of strife among nations. But it is certain that 
conceit in regard to one's own type of culture is equally one of 
the great contributing causes of war. This sort of conceit was 
characteristic of the ancients Greeks, Romans, Hebrews, &c. but 
it is no less conspicuous at the present time, especially among those 
who prefix the syllable " pan " to their racial designations the Pan- 
Slavists, the Pan-Teutons, and those who believe in extending the 
predominance of the Anglo-Saxon race over the whole globe, &c. 

Even some of the wisest of philosophers have fallen a prey to 
this delusion, this species of conceit. A man like Fichte, for 
instance, who is particularly esteemed on account of his ethical 
sensitiveness, represents his own people, the Germans, as the elect 
priesthood of culture, the torch-bearers from whom all others are 
to receive their light. It may be remarked by the way that this 
curious spiritual arrogance, this over-straining of claims, is probably 

might be more suitable. Such words as " organism " and " organisation " suggest the 
animal organism as a prototype to be copied ; but wherever the notion of organism 
has been restricted to this prototype the results have been ethically undesirable. For, 
in the animal as in the plant, there is ever some one pre-eminent organ or organs 
in which the significance of the whole is emphasised and to which the other 
organs and their functions are subordinated ; hence, when biological analogies are 
pressed, when the animal organism is taken as the pattern on which the human world 
is to be fashioned, the resulting social systems are of an aristocratic or monarchical 
character some one function, like the military or the priestly, being assigned the 
role of expressing the life and purpose of the society as a whole, and all other social 
functions and those who perform them being treated as subservient. It is for this 
reason that the organic theory of the State has, in modern times, become suspect, as 
associated with reactionary tendencies. 

The met-organic idea, on the other hand, is spiritual, and not animal, in derivation. 
Its distinguishing feature is that it excludes the notion of menial functions and 
functionaries. The distinction between high and low is empirical and based on the 
consideration of value. The spiritual view is based on the consideration of worth. 
And worth resides in every member of the social body, no matter how humble the 
station he occupies, in so far, namely, as he discharges his particular function with 
the whole in mind, that is to say, with a view of so fulfilling his function as to 
promote thereby the reciprocally stimulative interplay of the whole system of 

On this point a bare allusion must here suffice, to prevent confusion of the term 
used with the current biological conceptions. A (fuller statement will be attempted 


due to the absence, as yet, of assured recognition for national claims, 
however just. The bellum omnium contra omnes still looms up as a 
constantly menacing possibility in international affairs ; and hence 
any people with a literature of its own, an art of its own, legal 
and religious institutions that correspond to its Volksgeist any 
people, in a word, that has created a specific culture-type, and 
rightly cherishes it, is still compelled to face the eventuality of 
hostile neighbours attacking and destroying the spiritual fruitage 
it has produced. But whatever the cause, it is certain that pride 
of culture t.e. t of one's own specific culture, as superior to every other 
is one of the chief elements of danger in the international situation. 

The principle of organisation is designed to procure a modifi- 
cation, in this respect, of the opinion of the educated classes in all 
countries for the educated classes are, after all, the leaders of the 
uneducated, and there is reason to hope that if a less provincial con- 
ception of culture shall have gained ground among the former, it will 
gradually be extended to the latter. At any rate, we must depend 
for the peace and progress of the world upon the formation of a 
horizontal upper layer of cultured persons among all the more 
civilised peoples a cross-section, as it were, of the nations, whose 
convictions and sentiments shall supply the moral force on which 
international arbitration courts and similar agencies will have to 

The one postulate, then, of the principle we are discussing is 
that variety of the types of civilisation among mankind rather 
than the universal prevalence of a single type, the others being 
suppressed is desirable, and not only desirable, but the ethical 
aim towards which the efforts of the genuine lovers of progress 
should be bent. It may seem strange that a proposition of this 
kind requires to be emphasised ; and yet this is undoubtedly 
necessary in view of the tendencies now clearly prevailing in the 
opposite direction. Surely the interdependence of the different 
species of culture is a patent fact. Surely the reciprocal influence 
of French, Italian, English, German culture on each other is 
obvious to the most casual student of history. Surely the educated 
Englishman of to-day would have, as it were, a limb of his own 
intellectual life amputated, would be seriously impoverished in his 
own spiritual being, if Germany and German civilisation were to be 
obliterated, or their further growth violently checked, and conversely ; 
and so of all the rest. It is often said that the financial and economic 
interests of different nations are now so intimately bound up with one 
another that war is becoming foolish, because after a victorious war 
the conqueror would find himself worse off economically, on account 
of the destruction of capital which he has inflicted on the conquered. 


But if this be true of material interests, how much more is it true of 
spiritual interests ! 

The second postulate involved in the principle of organisation 
is that any particular culture-type is not only stimulated and enriched 
by the absorption of elements derived from elsewhere, but that the 
flaws, as well as the excellent features of any type of culture, may be 
best detected in the effect it produces on other types. Of us as 
individuals it may be said that we live in our radiations ; that the 
kind of influence we exert upon those with whom we come in con- 
tact is the truest measure of the degree of perfection or imperfection 
inherent in us. And the same is true of the larger collective groups 
of men. The qualities and defects of Occidental civilisation, for 
instance, nowhere appear so strikingly as in the effect we have pro- 
duced on Oriental peoples. In some respects this effect has been 
palpably beneficial. The mechanical inventions, the science, the 
educational methods of the West have been imported into the 
East, and in countries like Japan, and to some extent in China, 
are being rapidly assimilated. On the other hand, we have inflicted 
incalculable spiritual harm upon the nations of the East by under- 
mining the religious foundations upon which their civilisation has 
rested, and by failing to replace adequately the supports which we are 
breaking down. One of the profoundest problems of the world to-day 
is here apparent the problem of what is ultimately to be the result 
of the intrusion of Western thought, Western science, Western forms of 
government, upon great populations whose Volksgeist rejects Western 
agnosticism, and who have shown but a limited degree of receptivity 
to Western forms of religion. And the ill effects which we have 
wrought, and which it is to be feared our influence may further oper- 
ate in the future do they not reveal in glaring fashion the dis- 
harmonies that exist within our own Western civilisation, the broken 
unity of life from which we ourselves suffer, the onesidedness and 
unsatisfactoriness of the type of culture by which we attempt to live ? 

The thought I am aiming to express is that the give-and-take 
relation between the culture-types (and the more numerous and 
varied they are, the better) not only serves the purpose of enrich- 
ment, not only serves to prevent ossification and decay, but also 
serves to expose the weak points at which radical efforts at recupera- 
tion and improvement are requisite. If humanity is ever to become a 
corpus organicum spirituale and that is the aim then a conception 
based on reciprocity of cultural influence, favourable to the greatest 
possible variety of types, and assuring to the different groups of man- 
kind their integrity as distinct members, in order that they may 
make manifest the distinctive gifts with which Nature has endowed 
them, seems unavoidable. 


It has been said of late that, however moral considerations may 
prevail between individuals, the rule upon which nations must act is 
the rule of selfishness. If we are ever to get beyond this barbarous 
view, it must be with the help of an ideal principle which shall teach 
the wiser national self-love as against this crude national selfishness, 
and which shall make it plain that the ends of the wiser self-love are 
only to be attained by fostering the seemingly alien ends of others. 

The space at my command does not permit more than this short 
sketch ; nor is it possible to do more than state two practical 
objects upon which, in obedience to the considerations here presented, 
our endeavours might be concentrated. The one relates to our 
dealings with the uncivilised races. To them should be applied 
what may be called the " methods of race pedagogy." Close atten- 
tion should be paid to any experiments that have up to now been 
conducted in the schooling of primitive communities; the conditions 
of success, where a measure of success has been achieved, should be 
noted, and new experiments of this kind should be undertaken on a 
large scale. Systematic agricultural and industrial training seem, 
perhaps, to promise, in the case of the backward races, the best results. 
But no efforts of this kind can be considered exemplary which are not 
animated by a disinterested desire to benefit the people to be educated. 
With some fine exceptions, we have had, until now, chiefly exploita- 
tion of the backward races : on the one hand, inhumane exploitation 
for the sole benefit of the exploiters; and then, again, humane treat- 
ment of the backward races, but still for the benefit of the exploiters, 
on the assumption that kindness and patience in the long run pay 
best. What is now needed is humane treatment of the backward 
races for the benefit of those races themselves that is, in the long 
run for the benefit of humanity in general 

And the second practical object to which attention should be 
devoted relates to the intellectual and moral equipment of colonial 
administrators and members of the diplomatic service. If the ethical 
conception here presented be valid, the greatest stress should be 
laid, in the case of those who come into direct influential contact with 
foreign groups, on a detailed study by them of the people to whom 
they are sent of their customs, manners, laws, literature, religion, and 
art And it should be the aim of those who direct such studies to 
engender in the students a generous appreciation of all that is fine 
and worthy in the character and culture of the alien people. For 
only friendliness will secure a hearing, and only those who sincerely 
appreciate the excellent qualities of foreigners can help them over- 
come their deficiencies and lead them along the path of further 
progressive development. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 



To sum up in a few thousand words a race which has energised for 
four thousand years is a task which can only be executed, if at all, 
by confining oneself to elementals. And of these elementals the first 
and most important is the soul of the people. The soul of the Jewish 
race is best seen in the Bible, saturated from the first page of the Old 
Testament to the last page of the New with the aspiration for a 
righteous social order, and an ultimate unification of mankind of 
which, in all specifically Jewish literature, the Jewish race is to be 
the medium and missionary. Wild and rude as were the beginnings 
of this race, frequent as were its backslidings, and great as were 
and are its faults, this aspiration is continuous in its literature even 
up to the present day. There is every reason to believe that the 
historic texts of the Old Testament were redacted in the interests of 
this philosophy of history, but this pious falsification is very different 
from the self-glorification of all other epics. Israel appears through- 
out not as a hero, but as a sinner who cannot rise to his r61e of 
redeemer, of " servant of the Lord " that r61e of service, not 
dominance, for which his people was "chosen." The Talmud, the 
innumerable volumes of saintly Hebrew thought, the Jewish liturgy, 
whether in its ancient or its mediaeval strata, the " modernist " plat- 
forms of reformed American synagogues, all echo and re-echo this 
conception of " the Jewish mission." Among the masses it naturally 
transformed itself into nationalism, but even this narrower concept of 
" the chosen people " found poetic expression as a tender intimacy 
between God and Israel. " With everlasting love hast Thou loved 
the house of Israel, Thy people ; a Law and commandments, statutes 
and judgments, hast Thou taught us. ... Blessed art Thou, O Lord, 
who lovest Thy people, Israel." Such is the evening benediction still 
uttered by millions of Hebrew lips. 

And the performance of this Law and these commandments, 
statutes, and judgments, covering as they did the whole of life, pro- 
duced despite the tendency of all law to over-formality a domestic 
ritual of singular beauty and poetry, a strenuous dietary and religious 
regime, and tender and self-controlling traits of character, which have 
combined to make the Jewish masses as far above their non-Jewish 
environment as the Jewish wealthier classes are below theirs. No 
demos in the world is so saturated with idealism and domestic virtue, 
and when it is compared with the yet uncivilised and brutalised 
masses of Europe, when, for example, the lowness of its infantile 
mortality or the healthiness of its school children is contrasted with 


the appalling statistics of its neighbours, there is sound scientific 
warrant for endorsing even in its narrowest form its claim to be " a 
chosen people." 

This extraordinary race arose as a pastoral clan in Mesopotamia, 
roved to Palestine, thence to Egypt, and after a period of slavery 
returned to Palestine as conquerors and agriculturists, there to 
practise the theocratic code imposed by Moses (perhaps the noblest 
figure in all history), and to evolve in the course of the ages a poetic 
and prophetic literature of unparalleled sublimity. That union of 
spirituality, intellectuality, and fighting-power in the breed, which 
raised it above all ancient races except the Greek, was paid for by an 
excessive individualism which distracted and divided the State. 
Jerusalem fell before the legions of Titus. But half a century before 
it fell it had produced Christianity, and thus entered on a new 
career of world-conquest. And five centuries after the destruction of 
Jerusalem, its wandering scions had impregnated Mohammed with 
the ideas of Islam. Half the world was thus won for Hebraism in 
some form or other and the notion of " the Jewish mission " trium- 
phantly vindicated. A nucleus of the race, however, still persisted, 
partly by nationalist instinct, partly by the faith that its doctrines 
had been adulterated by illegitimate elements and its mission was 
still unaccomplished ; and it is this persistence to-day of a Hebrew 
population of twelve millions a Jewdom larger than any that its 
ancient conquerors had ever boasted of crushing which constitutes 
the much-discussed Jewish problem. 

But there was a Jewish diaspora even before Jerusalem fell 
settlements of Jews all round the Mediterranean, looking, however, 
to Jerusalem as a national and religious centre. The Book of Esther 
is historically dubious, but it contains one passage which is a summary 
of Jewish history: "And Haman said unto King Ahasuerus, There 
is a certain people scattered abroad and dispersed among the people 
in all the provinces of thy kingdom, and their laws are diverse from 
all people ; neither keep they the King's laws : therefore it is not for 
the King's profit to suffer them. If it please the King, let it be 
written that they may be destroyed." The Jewish problem in fact, 
from the Gentile point of view, is entirely artificial. It springs 
exclusively from Christian or heathen injustice and intolerance, from 
the oppression of minorities, from the universal law of dislike for the 
unlike. In Russia, which harbours nearly half of his race, the Jew 
is confined to a Pale and forbidden the villages even of that Pale, he 
is cramped and crippled at every phase of his existence, he must 
fight for Russia but cannot advance in the Army or the Navy or the 
Government service, except at the price of baptism. Occasionally 
bands of Black Hundreds are loosed upon him in bloody pogroms, 


but his everyday existence has not even this tragic dignity. It is a 
sordid story of economic oppression designed to keep this mere 4 per 
cent, of the population from dominating Holy Russia. Ten years 
ago Count Pahlen's Commission reported that " 90 per cent, of the 
Jews in the Pale have no staple occupation," and if the Government 
enforces the Sunday Law recently passed by the Duma, it means 
that they will in many cases be forced to choose between their own 
Sabbath and semi-starvation. Already the ancient hope and virtue 
of the most cheerful of races are slowly asphyxiating in the never- 
lifting fog of poverty and persecution. A similar situation in 
Roumania, if on a smaller scale as affecting only a quarter of a 
million of Jews, is accentuated in bitterness by Roumania's refusal to 
fulfil the obligation of equal treatment she undertook at the Berlin 
Congress, and the passivity of the Powers in presence of violated 
treaties adds to the Jewish tragedy the tragedy of a world grown 
callous of its own spiritual interests. The Jews, whose connection 
with Roumania is at least fifteen centuries old, are not even classed 
as citizens. They are " vagabonds." In Morocco the situation of the 
Jews is one of unspeakable humiliation. They are confined to a 
Mellah, and, as the Moroccan proverb puts it, "One may kill as 
many as seven Jews without being punished." The Jews have even 
to pickle the heads of decapitated rebels. Tested by the Judaeo- 
meter, Germany herself is still uncivilised, for if she has had no 
Dreyfus case, it is perhaps because no Jew is permitted military rank. 
Even in America, with its lip-formula of brotherhood, a gateless 
Ghetto has been created by the isolation of the Jews from the 
general social life. 

But if from the Gentile point of view the Jewish problem is an 
artificial creation, there is a very real Jewish problem from the Jewish 
point of view a problem which grows in exact proportion to the 
diminution of the artificial problem. Orthodox Judaism in the 
diaspora cannot exist except in a Ghetto, whether imposed from 
without or evolved from within. Rigidly professing Jews cannot 
enter the general social life and the professions. Jews qua Jews 
were better off in the Dark Ages, living as chattels of the King 
under his personal protection and to his private profit, or in the ages 
when they were confined in Ghettos. Even in the Russian Pale a 
certain measure of autonomy still exists. It is emancipation that 
brings the Jewish "Jewish problem." It is precisely in Italy with its 
Jewish Prime Minister and its Jewish Syndic of Rome that this 
problem is most acute. The Saturday Sabbath imposes economic 
limitations even when the State has abolished them. As Shylock 
pointed out, his race cannot eat or drink with the Gentile. Indeed, 
social intercourse would lead to intermarriage. Unless Judaism is 


reformed it is, in the language of Heine, a misfortune, and if it is 
reformed, it cannot logically confine its teachings to the Hebrew race, 
which, lacking the normal protection of a territory, must be swallowed 
up by its proselytes. 

The comedy and tragedy of Jewish existence to-day derive 
primarily from this absence of a territory in which the race could 
live its own life. For the religion which has preserved it through the 
long dark centuries of dispersion has also preserved its territorial 
traditions in an almost indissoluble amalgam of religion and history. 
Palestine soil clings all about the roots of the religion, which has, 
however, only been transplanted at the cost of fossilisation. The old 
agricultural festivals are observed at seasons with which, in many 
lands of the exile, they have no natural connection. The last 
national victory celebrated that of Judas Maccabaeus is two 
thousand years old ; the last popular fast dates from the first 
century of the Christian era. The Jew agonising in the Russian 
Pale rejoices automatically in his Passover of Freedom, in his 
exodus from Egypt. Even while the tribal traits had still the 
potential fluidity of life, neither Greeks nor Romans could change 
this tenacious race. Its dispersion from Palestine merely indurated 
its traditions by freeing them from the possibility of common develop- 
ment. The religious customs defended by Josephus against Apion 
are still the rule of the majority. Even new traits superimposed by 
their history upon fractions of the race are conserved with equal 
tenacity. The Jews expelled from Spain in 1492 still retain a 
sub-loyalty to the King of Spain and speak a Spanish idiom, 
printed in Hebrew characters, which preserves in the Orient words 
vanished from the lips of actual Spaniards and to be found only 
in Cervantes. 

This impotency to create afresh which is the negative aspect 
of conservatism translated itself, after the final revolt of Bar Cochba 
against the Romans early in the second century, into a pious resig- 
nation. The Jewish exile was declared to be the will of God, which 
it was even blasphemous to struggle against, and the Jews, in a 
strange and unique congruity with the teachings of the prophet they 
rejected, turned the other cheek to the smiter and left to Caesar the 
things that were Caesar's, concentrating themselves in every land 
of the exile upon industry, domesticity, and a transmuted religion, 
in which realities were desiccated into metaphors, and the Temple 
sacrifices sublimated into prayers. Rabbinic opportunism, while on 
the one hand keeping alive the hope that these realities, however 
gross, would come back in God's good time, went so far in the other 
direction as to lay it down that the law of the land was the law 
of the Jews. Everything in short in this transitional period between 


the ancient glory and the Messianic era to come was sacrificed 
to the ideal of mere survival. The mediaeval teacher Maimonides 
laid it down that to preserve life even Judaism might be abandoned 
in all but its holiest minimum. Thus under the standing menace 
of massacre and spoliation arose Crypto-Jews or Marranos, who, 
frequently at the risk of the stake or sword, carried on their Judaism 
in secret. Catholics in Spain and Portugal, Protestants in England, 
they were in Egypt or Turkey Mohammedans. Indeed, the Donmeh 
still flourish in Salonika and provide the Young Turks with states- 
men ; the Balearic Islands still shelter the Chuetas, and only half 
a century ago persecution produced the Yedil-al-Islam in Central 
Asia. Russia must be full of Greek Christians who have remained 
Jewish at heart. Last year a number of Russian Jews, shut out 
from a University career and seeking the lesser apostasy, became 
Mohammedans, only to find that for them the Trinity was the sole 
avenue to educational and social salvation. 

Where existence could be achieved legally, yet not without social 
inferiority, a minor form of Crypto-Judaism was begotten, which 
prevails to-day in most lands of Jewish emancipation, among its 
symptoms being change of names, accentuated local patriotism, 
accentuated abstention from Jewish affairs, and even anti-Semitism 
mimetically absorbed from the environment. Indeed, Marranoism, 
both in its major and minor forms, may be regarded as an exemplifi- 
cation of the Darwinian theory of protective colouring. This 
pervasive assimilating force acts even upon the most faithful, 
undermining more subtly than persecution the life-conceptions so 
tenaciously perpetuated. 

Nor is there anywhere in the Jewish world of to-day any centri- 
petal force to counteract these universal tendencies to dissipation. 
The religion is shattered into as many fragments as the race. After 
the fall of Jerusalem the Academy of Jabneh carried on the authori- 
tative tradition of the Sanhedrin. In the Middle Ages there was the 
Asefah or Synod to unify Jews under Judaism. From the middle of 
the sixteenth to the middle of the eighteenth century the Waad 
or Council of Four Lands legislated almost autonomously in those 
central European regions where the mass of the Jews of the world 
was then congregated. To-day there is no centre of authority, 
whether religious or political. Reform itself is infinitely individual, 
and nothing remains outside a few centres of congestion but a chaos 
of dissolving views and dissolving communities, saved from utter 
disappearance by persecution and racial sympathy. The notion that 
Jewish interests are Jesuitically federated or that Jewish financiers 
use their power for Jewish ends is one of the most ironic of myths. 
No Jewish people or nation now exists, no Jews even as sectarians of 


a specific faith with a specific centre of authority such as Catholics 
or Wesleyans possess ; nothing but a multitude of individuals, a mob 
hopelessly amorphous, divided alike in religion and political destiny. 
There is no common platform from which the Jews can be addressed, 
no common council to which any appeal can be made. Their only 
unity is negative that unity imposed by the hostile hereditary 
vision of the ubiquitous Haman. They live in what scientists call 
symbiosis with every other people, each group surrendered to its 
own local fortunes. This habit of dispersed and dependent existence 
has become second nature, and the Jews are the first to doubt 
whether they could now form a polity of their own. Like Aunt 
Judy in John Bults Other Island^ who declined to breakfast out 
of doors because the open air was " not natural," the bulk of the 
Jews consider a Jewish State as a political perversion. There are no 
subjects more zealous for their adopted fatherlands ; indeed, they 
are only too patriotic. There are no Ottomans so Young-Turkish 
as the Turkish Jews, no Americans so spread-eagle as the American 
Jews, no section of Britain so Jingo as Anglo-Jewry, which even 
converts the Chanukah Celebration of Maccabsean valour into a 
British military festival. Of the two British spies now confined 
in German fortresses one is a Jew. The French Jewry and the 
German reproduce in miniature the Franco-German rivalries, and 
the latter even apes the aggressive Welt-Politik. All this ultra- 
patriotism is probably due to Jews feeling consciously what the 
other citizens take subconsciously as a matter of course ; doubtless, 
too, a certain measure of Marranoism or protective mimicry enters 
into the ostentation. At any rate, each section of Jewry, wherever it 
is permitted entrance into the general life, invariably evolves a some- 
what overcoloured version of the life in which it finds itself embedded, 
and fortunate must be accounted the peoples which have at hand so 
gifted and serviceable a race, proud to wear their livery. 

What wonder that Jews are the chief ornaments of the stage, that 
this chameleon quality finds its profit in artistic mimicry as well as 
in biological. Rachel, the child of a foreign pedlar in a Paris slum, 
teaches purity of diction to the Faubourg St. Germain ; Sarah 
Bernhardt, the daughter of Dutch Jews, carries the triumph of 
French acting across the Atlantic. A Hungarian Jew, Ludwig 
Barnay, played a leading role in the theatrical history of Germany, 
and another, von Sonnenthal, in that of Austria. For if, like all 
other peoples, the Jews can only show a few individuals of creative 
genius a Heine, a Spinoza, a Josef Israels, a Mendelssohn, &c. 
they flourish in all the interpretative arts out of all proportion to 
their numbers. They flood the concert-platforms whether as con- 
ductors, singers, or performers. As composers they are more 



melodious than epoch-making. Till recently unpractised in paint- 
ing and sculpture, they are now copiously represented in every 
gallery and movement, though only rarely as initiators. Indeed, 
the Jew is a born intermediary, and every form of artistic and 
commercial agency falls naturally into his hands. He is the con- 
noisseur par excellence, the universal art-dealer. His gift of tongues, 
his relationship with all the lands of the exile, mark him out for 
success in commerce and finance, in journalism and criticism, in 
scholarship and travel. It was by their linguistic talents that the 
adventurous journeys of Arminius Vambe>y and Emin Pasha were 
made possible. If a Russian Jew, Berenson, is the chief authority on 
Italian art, and George Brandes, the Dane, is Europe's greatest 
critic, if Reuter initiated telegraphic news and Blowitz was the prince 
of foreign correspondents, if the Jewish Bank of Amsterdam founded 
modern finance and Charles Frohman is the world's greatest 
entrepreneur, all these phenomena find their explanation in the 
cosmopolitanism of the wandering Jew. Lifted to the plane of 
idealism, this cosmopolitan habit of mind creates Socialism through 
Karl Marx and Lassalle, an international language through Dr. 
Zamenhof, the inventor of Esperanto, a prophecy of the end of war 
through Jean de Bloch, an International Institute of Agriculture 
through David Lubin, and a Race Congress through Dr. Felix Adler. 
For when the Jew grows out of his own Ghetto without narrowing 
into his neighbour's, he must necessarily possess a superior sense 
of perspective. 

As a physician the Jew's fame dates from the Middle Ages, 
when he was the bearer of Arabian science, and the tradition that 
Kings shall always have Jewish physicians is still unbroken. Dr. 
Ehrlich's recent discovery of "606," the cure for syphilis, and Dr. 
Haffkine's inoculation against the plague in India, are but links in 
a long chain of Jewish contributions to medicine. Nor would it be 
possible to mention any other science, whether natural or philological, 
to which Jewish professors have not contributed revolutionising 
ideas. The names of Lombroso for criminology, Freud for psychology, 
Benfey for Sanscrit, Jules Oppert for Assyriology, Sylvester and 
Georg Cantor for Mathematics, and Mendeleieff for Chemistry (the 
" Periodic Law ") must suffice as examples. 

In law, mathematics, and philosophy the Jew is peculiarly at 
home, especially as an expounder. In chess he literally sweeps 
the board. There is never a contest for the championship of the 
world in which both rivals are not Jews. Even the first man to 
fly (and die) was the Jew, Lilienthal. 

But to gauge the contribution of the Jew to the world's activity 
is impossible here. To mention only living Jews, one thinks at 


random of the Rothschilds with their ubiquitous financial and 
philanthropic activity, Sir Ernest Cassel financing the irrigation of 
Egypt, Mr. Jacob Schiff financing the Japanese war against 
Russia and building up the American Jewry, Herr Ballin creating 
the Hamburg American Line, Maximilian Harden's bold political 
journalism, the Dutch jurist Asser at the Hague Conference, or 
the American statesman and peace-lover, Oscar Straus, the French 
plays of Bernstein or the German plays of Ludwig Fulda, or the 
Dutch plays of Heijermans or the Austrian plays of Schnitzler, 
the trenchant writings of Max Nordau, the paintings of Solomon 
and Rothenstein, of Jules Adler and Max Liebermann, the 
archaeological excavations of Waldstein, Hammerstein building the 
English Opera House, Imre Kiralfy organising our exhibitions; 
Sidney Lee editing the Dictionary of National Biography, Sir Matthew 
Nathan managing the Post Office, Meldola investigating coal-tar 
dyes, the operas of Goldmark, the music-plays of Herr Oscar Straus 
and Humperdinck (Frau Max Bernstein), the learned synopses of 
Salomon Reinach, the sculpture of Antokolsky, Mischa Elman and 
his violin, Sir Rufus Isaacs pleading on behalf of the Crown, Signor 
Nathan polemising with the Pope, Dr. Frederick Cowen conducting 
one of his own symphonies, Michelson measuring the velocity of 
light, Lippmann developing colour-photography, Henri Bergson 
giving pause to Materialism with his new philosophy of Creative 
Evolution, Bral expounding the science of Semantics, or Hermann 
Cohen his neo-Kantism, and one wonders what the tale would be both 
for yesterday and to-day if every Jew wore a yellow badge and every 
Crypto-Jew came out into the open, and every half-Jew were as 
discoverable as Montaigne or the composer of " The Mikado." The 
Church could not even write its own history : that was left for the 
Jew, Neander. To the Gentile the true Jewish problem should rather 
be how to keep the Jew in his midst this rare I per cent, of mankind. 
The elimination of all this genius and geniality would surely not 
enhance the gaiety of nations. Without Disraeli would not England 
lose her only Saint's Day ? 

But the miracle remains that the Gentile world has never yet seen 
a Jew, for behind all these cosmopolitan types which obsess its vision 
stand inexhaustible reserves of Jewish Jews and the Talmudic 
mystic, the Hebrew-speaking sage, remains as unknown to the 
Western world as though he were hidden in the fastnesses of Tibet. 
A series of great scholars Geiger, Zunz, Steinschneider, Schechter 
has studied the immense Hebrew literature produced from age to age 
in these obscure Jewries. But there is a modern Hebrew literature, 
too, a new galaxy of poets and novelists, philosophers and humanists, 
who express in the ancient tongue the subtlest shades of the thought 


of to-day. And there is a still more copious literature in Yiddish, no 
less rich in men of talent and even genius, whose names have rarely 
reached the outside world. 

And if the Jew, with that strange polarity which his historian 
Graetz remarked in him, displays simultaneously with the most tena- 
cious preservation of his past the swiftest surrender of it that the 
planet has ever witnessed, if we find him entering with such passion- 
ate patriotism into almost every life on earth but his own, may not 
even the Jewish patriot draw the compensating conclusion that the 
Jew therein demonstrates the comparative superficiality of all these 
human differences ? Like the Colonel's lady and Judy O'Grady, all 
these peoples are the same under their skins as even Bismarck was 
once constrained to remark when he saw Prussians and Frenchmen 
lying side by side in the community of death. Could Jews so readily 
assimilate to all these types, were these types fundamentally 
different ? The primitive notion of the abysmal separateness of 
races can scarcely survive under Darwinism. Every race is really 
akin to every other. Imagine a Canine Congress debating if all 
those glaring differences of form, size, and colour could possibly 
consist with an underlying and essential dogginess. 

Not only is every race akin to every other, but every people is a 
hotch-potch of races. The Jews, though mainly a white people, are 
not even devoid of a coloured fringe, black, brown, or yellow. There 
are the Beni-Israel of India, the Falashas of Abyssinia, the dis- 
appearing Chinese colony of Kai-Fung-Foo, the Judeos of Loango, 
the black Jews of Cochin, the negro Jews of Fernando Po, Jamaica, 
Surinam, &c., the Daggatuns and other warlike nomads of the North 
African deserts, who remind us what the conquerors of the Philistines 
were like. If the Jews are in no metaphorical sense brothers of all 
these peoples, then all these peoples are brothers of one another. If 
the Jew has been able to enter into all incarnations of humanity and 
to be at home in every environment, it is because he is a common 
measure of humanity. He is the pioneer by which the true race 
theory has been experimentally demonstrated. Given a white child, 
it is the geographical and spiritual heritage the national autocosm, 
as I have called it into which the child is born that makes out 
of the common human element the specific Frenchman, American, 
or Dutchman. And even the colour is not an unbridgeable and 
elemental distinction. 

Nor is it only with living races that the Jew has manifested his 
and their mutual affinity : he brings home to us his brotherhood and 
ours with the peoples that are dead, the Medes, the Babylonians, 
the Assyrians. If the Jew Paul proved that the Hebrew Word was 
universal, the Jews who rejected his teaching have proved the univer- 


sality of the Hebrew race. One touch of Jewry makes the whole 
world kin. 

The labours of Hercules sink into child's play beside the task the 
late Dr. Herzl set himself in offering to this flotsam and jetsam 
of history the project of political reorganisation on a single soil. 
But even had this dauntless idealist secured co-operation instead of 
bitter hostility from the denaturalised leaders of all these Jewries, the 
attempt to acquire Palestine would have had the opposition of 
Turkey and of the 600,000 Arabs in possession. It is little wonder 
that since the great leader's lamentable death Zionism again with 
that idealisation of impotence has sunk back into a cultural move- 
ment which, instead of ending the exile, is to unify it through the 
Hebrew tongue and nationalist sentiment. But for such unification a 
religious revival would have been infinitely more efficacious : race 
alone cannot survive the pressure of so many hostile milieux or still 
more parlous, so many friendly. The Territorial movement, repre- 
senting the original nucleus of the Herzlian idea, is still searching for 
a real and not a metaphorical soil, its latest negotiation being with the 
West Australian Government. 

But if the prospect of a territorial solution of the Jewish question, 
whether in Palestine or in the New World, appears remote, it must 
be admitted that the Jewish race, in abandoning before the legions of 
Rome the struggle for independent political existence in favour of 
spiritual isolation and economic symbiosis, discovered the secret of 
immortality, if also of perpetual motion. In the diaspora Anti- 
Semitism will always be the shadow of Semitism. The law of dislike 
for the unlike will always prevail. And whereas the unlike is nor- 
mally situated at a safe distance, the Jews bring the unlike into the 
heart of every milieu, and must thus defend a frontier-line as large as 
the world. The fortunes of war vary in every country, but there is a 
perpetual tension and friction even at the most peaceful points, which 
tend to throw back the race on itself. The drastic method of love 
the only human dissolvent has never been tried upon the Jew as a 
whole, and Russia carefully conserves even by a ring-fence the 
breed she designs to destroy. But whether persecution extirpates or 
brotherhood melts, hate or love can never be simultaneous through- 
out the diaspora, and so there will probably always be a nucleus from 
which to re-stock this eternal type. But what a melancholy immor- 
tality ! " To be and not to be " that is a question beside which 
Hamlet's alternative is crude. 

It only remains to consider what part the world should be called 
upon to play in the solution of this tragic problem. To preserve the 
Jews, whether as a race or as a religious community, is no part of the 
world's duty, nor would artificial preservation preserve anything of 


value. Their salvation must come from themselves, though they may 
well expect at least such sympathy and help as Italy and Greece found 
in their struggles for regeneration. The world's duty is only to pre- 
serve the ethical ideals it has so slowly and laboriously evolved, 
largely under Jewish inspiration. Civilisation is not called upon to 
save the Jews, but it is called upon to save itself. And by its treat- 
ment of the Jews it is destroying itself. If there is no justice in 
Venice for Shylock, then alas for Venice ! 

" If you deny me, fie upon your law I 
There is no force in the decrees of Venice." 

Even from the economic standpoint Russia, with her vast popula- 
tion of half-starved peasants, is wasting one of her most valuable 
assets by crippling Jewish activity, both industrially and geographi- 
cally. In insisting that Russia abolish the Jewish Pale I am pleading 
for the regeneration of Russia, not of the Russian Jew. A first-class 
ballet is not sufficient to constitute a first-class people. Very truly 
said Roditchev, one of the Cadet leaders, " Russia cannot enter the 
Temple of Freedom as long as there exists a Pale of Settlement for the 
Jews." But abolition of the Pale and the introduction of Jewish 
equality will be the deadliest blow ever aimed at Jewish nationality. 
Very soon a fervid Russian patriotism will reign in every Ghetto, and 
the melting-up of the race begin. But this absorption of the five or six 
million Jews into the other hundred and fifty millions of Russia con- 
stitutes the Jewish half of the problem. It is the affair of the Jews. 

That the preservation of the Jewish race or religion is no concern of 
the world's is a conclusion which saves the honest Jew from the indignity 
of appealing to it. For with what face can the Jew appeal ad miseri- 
cordiam before he has made the effort to solve his own problem ? 
There is no reason why a race any more than a man should be safe- 
guarded against its own unwisdom and its own flabbiness. No race 
can persist as an entity that is not ready to pay the price of persist- 
ence. Other peoples are led by their best and strongest. But the 
best and strongest in Israel are absorbed by the superior careers and 
pleasures of the environment even in Russia there is a career for the 
renegade, even in Roumania for the rich and the few who remain 
to lead, lead for the most part to destroy. If, however, we are 
tempted to say, " Then let this people agonise as it deserves," we must 
remember that the first to suffer are not the powerful, but the poor. 
It is the masses who bear almost the entire brunt of Alien Bills and 
massacres and economic oppression. While to the philosopher the 
absorption of the Jews may be as desirable as their regeneration, in 
practice the solution by dissolution presses most heavily upon the 
weakest. The dissolution invariably begins from above, leaving the 
lower classes denuded of a people's natural defences, the upper 


classes. Moreover, while, as already pointed out, the Jewish upper 
classes are, if anything, inferior to the classes into which they are 
absorbed, the marked superiority of the Jewish masses to their 
environment, especially in Russia, would render their absorption a 
tragic degeneration. 

But if dissolution would bring degeneracy and emancipation 
dissolution, the only issue from this dilemma is the creation of a 
Jewish State, or at least a Jewish land of refuge upon a basis of local 
autonomy, to which, in the course of the centuries, all that was truly 
Jewish would gravitate. And if the world has no ethical duty to take 
the lead in this creation, it may yet find its profit in getting rid of the 
Jewish problem. Many regions of the New World, whether in 
America or Australia, would moreover be enriched and consolidated 
by the accession of a great Jewish colony, while to the Old World its 
political blessing might be many-sided. A host of political rivalries, 
perilous to the world's peace, centre round Palestine, while in the still 
more dangerous quarter of Mesopotamia, a co-operation of England 
and Germany in making a home under the Turkish flag for the Jew 
in his original birthplace would reduce Anglo-German friction, foster 
world-peace, and establish in the heart of the Old World a bridge of 
civilisation between the East and the West and a symbol of hope for 
the future of mankind. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 

v-jiinq innrnmoh r> pnitidtdx** rforry s feOBte H^rf* rJgiioirit Jnj>mqoi?v->i> 
; >m; .-I}? ic : -\'..--> io -.vailon K .'noiJKoifrmtx:? lo vsiJoq g 


Late Governor of Mauritius, Author of " The Broad Stone of Empire? 

:>*fcTf!<; iff*.'.; i ,-tu : K h-j.J'^fn ?.i *p<.ar <-.< >' > :>!i1 ri>Tly< ? 


BY conscience I mean an inherent mental faculty which enables a 
man to judge and to appreciate the judgment of others on the con- 
sequences of his actions. It is the function of this faculty to control 
his physical instincts, which have their roots deepest in human nature; 
the lust of the flesh, which secures the continuity of his family, and 
the pride of life, which prompts him to labour for the necessities, 
comfort, and luxury of his family and their multiplied descendants. 
Both of these instincts are subject to the law of human nature that a 
man will, if he can, take from others anything they have which he 
desires. On the other hand, conscience is itself controlled by two 


forces. Darwin says : "At a moment of action man will, no 
doubt, be apt to follow the strongest impulse, and though this may 
occasionally prompt him to the noblest deeds, it will more commonly 
lead him to gratify his own desires at the expense of other men. 
But after their gratification, when past and weaker impressions are 
judged by the ever-enduring social instinct and by his deep regard 
for the good opinion of his fellows, retribution will surely come. He 
will then feel remorse, repentance, regret, or shame ; this latter feeling, 
however, relates almost exclusively to the judgment of others. He 
will consequently resolve more or less firmly to act differently for the 
future, and this is conscience." 

I define this rather as one of the forces that control conscience, 
and express it in the phrase, " man's conception of his duty to his 
neighbour." The other force is the influence of man's belief in 
supernatural agencies, expressed in the phrase, " man's conception of 
his duty to God." 

Man's conception of his duty to his neighbour has been modified 
by three relations of affinity race, creed, and colour ; and each of 
these affinities has been the motive of conflict between the com- 
munities it has included and those it has excluded. 

The history of civilisation is the history of the evolution of con- 
science in controlling the policy of the included to the excluded 
communities in these conflicts. It presents an orderly process of 
development through three stages, each exhibiting a dominant policy 
a policy of extermination, a policy of servitude, and a policy 
of amalgamation. By amalgamation I mean union in the same 
community as masters and servants, as fellow-labourers, as fellow- 
citizens, and, if possible, but not necessarily, as connected by 

For the purposes of this paper I accept the ethnologic distri- 
bution of mankind into three primary groups of races, Caucasian, 
Mongolian, and ./Ethiopic or Negro ; and, bearing in mind the broad 
issues which the Congress is invited to discuss, I use the phrase 
modern conscience in the sense of the conscience of the white races 
of the Caucasian group professing the creed of Christianity, in what- 
ever part of the world they may have established themselves on 
a common territory under a common government. 

Adopting the pragmatic method of interpreting a conception by 
illustrating its practical consequences, I propose, after briefly tracing 
the evolution of this conscience in the area of origin, to consider its 
influence, first, on the treatment of the Semitic and Indian races of 
the Caucasian group, and then on typical races of the Mongolian and 
Negro groups. I may add that, in considering the treatment of 
dependent peoples and communities, I embrace in the term servitude 


exclusion from civic rights ; in the term amalgamation I include 
treatment as potential citizens with a view to amalgamation. 


Western civilisation is the product of three civilisations, Grecian, 
Roman, and Teutonic, superimposed by racial forces, and welded 
into unity by Christianity. Each of the earlier civilisations estab- 
lished and maintained itself by the tyranny of a race claiming an 
inherent monopoly of a capacity of self-government, and asserting 
the corollary claim of a monopoly of capacity to govern others 
grouped under the designation of barbarians or inferior races. In 
turn each was displaced by the inferior races revolting against the 
methods by which the claim of superiority was enforced, and sub- 
stituting a new civilisation based on the same claim and enforced by 
the same methods. But each of these civilisations, in superimposing 
itself, chose and assimilated what it considered best among the 
institutions of the earlier deposits. The fundamental principle of 
Grecian civilisation was the cult of purity of race as an instrument 
of physical and intellectual superiority ; to this the West owes all 
that it can claim of originality in philosophy, literature, and art To 
Roman civilisation the West owes the spirit of legality and municipal 
association under a common code of laws supported by the discipline 
of a common military system. To Teutonic civilisation the West 
owes the spirit of liberty the liberty that allows the individual to be 
master of himself, his actions, and his fate, so long as he does not 
interfere with the liberty of others. Each of the earlier civilisations 
had established and sought to maintain itself by concentration of 
power and the liberty to exercise it in the hands of a small privileged 
class. In each the policy of the included class offered to the 
excluded masses the alternative of extermination or servitude. 
The policy of Greece was expressed by their poet Euripides at 
a period of the short-lived empire of Athens, when the area of 
recognised purity of descent and the privileges of citizenship were 
practically limited to a few thousand residents within a radius of 
a few miles from the Acropolis : 

" flapflapwv cT'EXXf/yac eip^etv fiKog, dXX* ov fiapflapovc, 
fj.rjTEp, 'EXXr/vwv TO fjiiv yap %ov\ov ol S'iXevdepoi,'* 

freely interpreted, "It is fit that Greeks should govern the inferior 
races, but not that inferior races should govern Greeks for they are 
slaves and we are free." 

The alternative of extermination was exhibited when after the 
revolt of Lesbos, an ^Eolian colony, in spirit more Athenian than the 
Athenians, sentence of death was passed on the whole male popula- 
tion, though revised for reasons of expediency. 


The policy of Rome was expressed by Virgil in the famous 


"Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento, 
Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos," 

interpreted, in practice, " Make slaves of all who submit, and exter- 
minate all who resist." In pursuance of this policy, while the fiction 
of citizenship was being constantly extended, the privileges of citizen- 
ship were being constantly restricted, until the destinies and fortunes 
of millions fell under the absolute command of a few thousands 
concentrated in the capital. Concentration so compact, power so 
colossal, monopoly so exclusive, luxury so frantic, the world had 
never seen. Meanwhile the provinces were ruined by a system of 
tribute expressly designed to cripple their resources and their power 
of resistance. What the tribute left became the easy plunder of 
corrupt governors, rapacious officials, commercial adventurers, and 
usurers associated in the disastrous system which entrusted adminis- 
tration and commercial exploitation to the same hands. The alter- 
native to submission was declared in the historic phrase attributed to 
a British chieftain : " Ubi solitudinem faciunt pacem appellant" 

The revolt of the inferior races grouped as Northern barbarians, 
and the assertion by the Teutonic race of the principle of liberty 
that government by an alien power is no government at all was 
followed by the fall of the Roman Empire in the West and the 
disintegration of its constituent parts. The period of chaos known 
as the Middle Ages witnessed a resettlement of Europe by a process 
of distribution into separate and independent principalities, united by 
geographical and political affinity and governed by leaders who 
owed their elevation to the elective principle of choice by their fellow- 
warriors. It was during this chaos, justly called the seed-time of the 
modern world, that Christianity and civilisation became interchange- 
able terms in Europe, and in the expansion of Europe which resulted 
from the discovery of America and the oversea route to Asia. The 
empires of Greece and Rome had been really agglomerations of tribes. 
Christianity created nations by making religion a vital part of 
politics and making a common creed a bond of union superior to the 
disintegrating forces of race. 

The era of Christian civilisation has been marked by two periods. 
In the first, the most persecuted of creeds sought to superimpose 
itself on the creed of its persecutors by the same methods by which 
races held to be most inferior had superimposed their civilisation on 
the civilisations they supplanted methods in direct negation of its 
profession. In the second period, Christianity has accommodated 
its policy to its profession and reconstructed Western civilisation on 
the principle of amalgamation, interpreting freedom to mean liberty 


of person and conscience with equality of opportunity for all under 
a settled government. 

In respect of the ultimate issue of amalgamation by inter- 
marriage during this era, it is well to remember that, up to nearly 
the close of the eighteenthi century, it remained a capital crime 
for a priest to celebrate marriage between a Roman Catholic and 
a Protestant. 

This is how Guizot in an often-quoted passage has described the 
social, communal, national, and international relations of Western 

"Toutes formes, tous les principes d'organisation sociale y co-existent, les 
pouvoirs spirituel et temporel, les elements theocratique, monarchique, aristo- 
cratique, democratique, toutes les classes, toutes les situations sociales se melent, 
se pressent, il y a des degres infinis dans la liber te, la richesse, 1'influence." 

The modern conscience demands the extension of the principles 
which have established this civilisation into its relations with the 

k ast v :! K 

v , III. 

The fundamental principle of Judaism was a belief that the Jews 
were a chosen people appointed by God to be His instruments in 
working out His plan of creation, primarily within their own com- 
munity and subsequently in the relation of their community to the 
whole non-Jewish world. Under the influence of this conception 
practically every event that happened to the individual or to the 
community, every vicissitude of personal fortune, every variation of 
public prosperity or adversity, in health or disease, in abundant 
harvests or famines, was explained as a direct supernatural judgment 
and award, not as a consequence of natural laws. Consistent with 
this conviction was their conception of a future state. It embraced 
no idea of the resurrection of the individual in a divided spiritual 
form in another world. It meant the continuation of the community 
in a constantly multiplied posterity which was in time to people the 
world and make it the area of a civilisation of which they should 
have the exclusive monopoly. The means by which this end was to 
be attained was a policy summarised in the command of the Lord of 
Hosts transmitted to Saul through the prophet Samuel : " Now go 
and smite Amalek, and utterly destroy all that they have and spare 
them not ; but slay both men and women, infant and suckling, 
camel and ass." It was, in short, a policy of extermination, but it 
was of the very essence of the policy that in proportion as it enlarged 
the area of its activity it demanded an augmentation of its agents. 
To meet this the natural increase of heredity multiplied by polygamy 
and concubinage had to be further fortified by the adoption of 
prisoners of war, male and female, into the community under 


conditions of servitude. Under the operation of the cosmic law 
of action and reaction the policy was adopted in retaliation by 
every community with which it came in conflict and menaced with 
destruction or servitude. To quote the words of an illustrious 
member of their race 

" The attempt to extirpate them has been made under the most favourable 
auspices and on the largest scale ; the most considerable means that man could 
command have been pertinaciously applied to this object for the longest period 
of recorded time. Egyptian Pharaohs, Assyrian Kings, Roman Emperors, 
Scandinavian Crusaders, Gothic Princes and holy inquisitors have alike devoted 
their energies to the fulfilment of this common purpose. Expatriation, exile, 
captivity, confiscation, torture on the most ingenious and massacres on the most 
extensive scale, a curious system of degrading customs and debasing laws which 
would have broken the heart of any other people, have been tried in vain." 

The exigencies of space make it impossible to trace the process of 
the modern conscience in substituting for this policy of extermination, 
expulsion, and debasement a policy of amalgamation. Within the 
whole area of Western civilisation, except in Russia and Roumania, 
the Jews enjoy full civil and political rights, and there is no country 
in which they are not recognised among the foremost representatives 
of art, learning, and science. In social life they enjoy the favour of 
Courts, and their alliance in marriage is sought by Christian families 
who within the last century would have considered such an alliance 
a social crime of capital magnitude. The most persecuted of races 
has now, through its dominant control over finance, acquired a 
practical ascendancy over the press of Europe, and, through these 
combined agencies, a large measure of control over the ultimate 
issue of peace or war. Most wonderful, perhaps, of all, in the 
issue of war a Jew has by common consent of the civilised world 
been chosen as President of the International Red Cross Society. 


The elements of conflict in Western civilisation, and between 
Western civilisation and Judaism, have been race and creed. The 
conflict between Western civilisation and the ethnologic groups that 
have now to be considered is exasperated by an additional element, 
the conflict of colour. The question that concerns us is whether the 
modern conscience, which, in the relations between white races divided 
by differences of race and creed has substituted a constructive policy 
of amalgamation for a policy of extermination or servitude, is to 
prolong its activity into territories where social groups are divided by 
differences of race, creed, and colour, or whether in such territories 
the policy of an earlier conscience is to be revived. I deal first with 
the evolution of the modern conscience in relation to the coloured 
races of India. In prehistoric times, the autochthonous races of India 


were displaced by a Dravidian population, which, in turn, at a period 
nearly coincident with the earliest records of history, was crowded 
out or subjugated and assimilated by an Aryan invasion of Hindus 
from Central Asia. Under the dominion of Hinduism there was 
established a political system of three estates, a sacerdotal caste of 
priests and lawgivers, a military caste, and a civil population engaged 
in industry and commerce. Its strength lay in the co-operation 
of the spiritual and intellectual forces of priests and lawgivers with 
the physical force of the military, its weakness in the revolt of the 
civil population against the tyranny thus generated. In time this 
revolt led to the establishment of Buddhism, a system standing in 
much the same relation to Hinduism as Protestantism to Roman 
Catholicism. After a thousand years of domination Buddhism had 
to make way for a reformed system of Hinduism modified by the 
influences that had established Buddhism. The new system main- 
tained itself for about five hundred years a period of extraordinary 
social splendour and distinction in the arts of civilisation, for it 
concentrated the results of a succession of civilisations superimposed 
by races who in religion and law, in language and literature, in art 
and science, were the originators of conceptions which have been 
transubstantiated into the life of Western civilisation. The period 
closed, in accordance with the universal law that has controlled the 
evolution of empires, when all the arts of civilisation were made con- 
tributory to the luxury and lust of a restricted governing class at the 
cost of the governed. In the general demoralisation that followed, 
Central Asia supplied the forces of a fresh invasion, and substituted 
for the Hindu system of a sacerdotal and military supremacy the 
Mohammedan system of despotic power exercised by a democracy 
under the influence of religious enthusiasm, swayed by self-appointed 
rulers who claimed civil and military obedience as the agents and 
oracles of God. In turn the Mohammedan dominion was terminated 
by the revolt of the Mahrattas, a political body organised, in 
adaptation of the Mohammedan system, by a coalition of the highest 
and the lowest Hindu castes. They failed to establish a settled 
government of adequate power to control the disintegrating forces 
latent in the surviving elements of a succession of conquered 
dynasties and peoples. The consequence was a chaos analogous to 
the segregation of State units in Europe following the fall of the 
Roman Empire. India became the loot of princes and powers, 
supported by Pindarries and other organised bandits always ready 
to play the part of the condottieri of mediaeval Europe. It was 
during this period of struggle for the fragments of the broken empire, 
when every province was disturbed by petty wars or groaning under 
the oppression of chieftains pursuing their separate schemes of rapine, 


that Europe was brought into contact with India by the sea-route, 
and at once determined, by an aggressive policy of conquest 
and subjugation, to superimpose a new civilisation and appro- 
priate the rich accumulations of the old. It does not lie within 
my purpose to trace the defeat of this enterprise by the East 
India Company, or to follow the steps by which an association of 
private traders became involved in political complications, and 
eventually the dominant power in India. I am concerned only with 
the evolution of the modern conscience, which in the exercise of that 
power substituted for a policy of extermination or servitude a policy 
of amalgamation. 

Pitt's Act of 1784 marked the first stage of the new system by 
a declaration that schemes of conquest were repugnant to the 
wish, the honour, and the policy of the British nation, and by 
provisions designed to save the interests of India from being 
made subservient to the interests of political parties in England, 
or to the private interests of the Company's agents and servants. 
In 1813 a resolution that the first duty of Parliament in legislating 
for India was to promote its interests was proposed and lost. 
Nevertheless, the policy of the administration in India was rapidly 
brought to conform to the principles of this resolution. It was 
concentrated in the Government of India Act, 1833, and set 
out in an explanatory despatch of the Board of Directors, 
accompanying the Act. It consisted in respecting the beliefs 
of others without weakness, and defending them without brutality. 
It virtually established a protectorate, a relationship which was 
to develop into an internationally recognised system and to play 
an important part in the relations of Western civilisation to 
dependent peoples. It undertook the protection of the people 
against foreign aggression and in the conduct of foreign affairs, 
while within the limits of its jurisdiction it declared that the 
people should be protected in the enjoyment of their religion 
and personal law ; that the fiscal policy should be controlled by 
the interests of India ; and that so far as consistent with its posi- 
tion as an umpire, whose duty it is to secure equal protection to 
many general interests, the Government should admit the native 
population to offices of trust and emolument. Its avowed purpose 
was to educate the conflicting elements of the population by 
methods which it was believed would qualify them, though probably 
at a remote period, for a political union to be established on the 
basis of personal liberty and equality of opportunity, under a settled 
government of their own election and responsible to themselves. 

But the most resolute advocates of this policy were also the 
most resolute in declaring that premature efforts to accelerate 


the end would not only insure the immediate downfall of British 
power, but would replunge the people of India into a state of 
greater anarchy than that from which they had been relieved. 
The wisdom of this reservation was soon to be justified by the 
Mutiny of 1857, which for a moment, but only for a moment, 
arrested the activity of the modern conscience. Nothing in its 
history is more remarkable than the rapidity with which it 
asserted itself in the work of reconstruction that followed. 

Queen Victoria's Proclamation to the Princes and Peoples of 
India in 1858 established the fundamental principle of the modern 
conscience in the declaration that " Her Majesty sought her 
strength in the prosperity of her people, -her security in their 
contentment, and her reward in their gratitude" ; and the 
subsidiary policy in the declaration that " No native shall, by 
reason only of his religion, place of birth, descent, colour, or any 
of these things, be disabled from holding any place, office, or 
employment under the Government." 

I need not dwell on the measures recently taken by the 
Government, in the direction of giving the natives of India a larger 
right of admission to high posts in the administration and in the 
councils of the Empire. But I may just refer to a subject which 
will be treated in a separate paper, the extra-territorial rights 
of natives of India migrating under indenture into British Colonies. 
Underlying a variety of systems there is established the fundamental 
condition that they must be admitted as potential citizens. 

A word remains to be said on amalgamation by intermarriage 
between Europeans and Indians. Such marriages are not generally 
favoured by either community, and at present the tendency is for 
each to prefer a social relation which has been justly compared to the 
relation of the fingers to each other and to the hand. 


I pass from the coloured races of the Caucasian group, generally 
classed as brown, to the coloured races of the Mongolian group, 
generally classed as yellow. The modern conscience had hardly 
declared itself in the Proclamation of 1858 to the Princes and Peoples 
of India, when the old aggressive barbarianism of Europe reasserted 
itself. Under the fiction of a beneficent partnership between 
commerce and religion for the civilisation of China, the Western 
Powers associated themselves in a policy of invasion, appropriation 
of territory, massacre, rape, plunder and sacrilege hardly paralleled 
in history. This formidable enterprise served as a warning to a 
kindred race in the little empire of Japan. At the time so little 
was the East known to the West that Professor Charles Pearson 


and other accepted authorities, engaged in forecasting the future 
of the coloured races in cosmopolitan civilisation, failed to take 
Japan into account In 1863 the British Minister, in a report on the 
condition of Japan, showed that under a system of self-government 
originated and administered by native enterprise, shut out from all 
intercourse with the rest of the world, the Japanese had secured 
peace, order, and the material prosperity of a population estimated at 
some thirty millions of souls. But the object-lesson exhibited in 
China warned them to anticipate the aggressive expansion of 
Western civilisation. They determined, therefore, to adapt their 
own ancient civilisation to modern circumstances. They recognised 
that the secret of Western expansion was to be sought neither in a 
monopoly of intellectual capacity inherent in a race, nor in a 
monopoly of moral capacity inherent in a creed. They found it in an 
acquired monopoly of capacity in the application of science to 
industrial uses, in the development of natural resources by scientific 
methods, in the appropriation of the profits of development to naval 
and military armaments for the defence of territory already acquired 
by conquest, the constant expansion of the area of acquisition, and a 
monopoly of all sea-borne commerce by sea supremacy. In 1868 
the imperial oath of accession was revised in the formula known as 
the Oath of the Five Articles. After a vow to establish the 
principles of constitutional government, it gave a pledge that 
knowledge would be sought throughout the whole world so that the 
welfare of the empire might be established. 

Within forty years the issue of the war between Japan and 
Russia in 1904-5 had given proof of a complete mastery of 
Western methods in every area of activity, and gained Japan 
admittance to equality of rank with the greatest of the Great Powers 
of Western civilisation. Politically, the theory of a monopoly of 
capacity inherent in a trinity of race, creed, and colour peculiar to 
the West was destroyed. The moral confidence and self-respect 
which had stimulated aspirations for self-government in every 
community of the East within the sphere of Western government, 
protection, or influence were confirmed and quickened. The economic 
results were even more far-reaching. The capacity of the East to 
organise industry in the development of local resources, and to 
retain for local uses the profits of production, manufacture, and 
distribution by land and sea, and thus to enter into commercial 
competition with the West, was revealed. And no time has been 
lost in demonstrating the extent to which this competition is likely to 
contribute to the wealth and independence of the East at the cost of 
the West. 

A result of the war of 1904-5 is worthy of special mention from 


the point of view of the process of the modern conscience in the 
East as well as in the West. An official report on the organisation 
and resources of the Red Cross Society of Japan has been published 
and circulated among the branches of the Society in Great Britain 
as a model scheme superior to any that has yet been organised in 
the West. 

I will add only a word on the subject of amalgamation by 
intermarriage between Europeans and the races of the Mongolian 
group. In Asia such marriages are not more favoured than 
marriages between the European and Indian communities. In 
America it is different. The evolution of the modern conscience in 
the relations between Europeans and the American races of the 
Mongolian group of distinctive colour, generally designated as red, 
has been of particular interest. On no races have the policies of 
extinction and servitude been practised with more relentless severity. 
But while these policies have resulted in the practical extermination 
of the race in North America, as an efficient factor in civilisation, in 
all the more tropical parts of Latin America the autochthonus races 
representing the survival of the fittest are steadily assimilating the 
descendants of their conquerors and producing a new type a type 
admirably endowed with the qualities which constitute a capacity 
for self-government in the conditions of its environment. 

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I pass to the function of the modern conscience in the treatment 
of the negro. The negro has been a slave in Africa and Asia from 
the earliest period of recorded time ; in Europe and America from 
the close of the fifteenth century, when the discovery of a sea route to 
the East first brought Western civilisation into contact with him on 
the coasts of Africa and led to his compulsory migration to America. 
From the outset the methods of barbarism applied to the Jews were 
resorted to, not with a view to his extermination, but to ensure the 
perpetuity of his servitude. Conscience and instinct combined for 
the fulfilment of this common purpose. The ingenuity of physical 
torture which subjected the manhood and womanhood of his race to 
the passions of greed, cruelty, and lust was supplemented by moral 
torture of even superior ingenuity. For him religion was limited to 
the doctrine that he must rely on submission to a life of torment 
without hope on earth as the only hope of salvation from an eternity 
of torment in hell. 

When after three hundred years the modern conscience bethought 
itself to bring the negro within the area of activity of the ethical 
process of humanity that had reconstructed Western civilisation on a 
basis of liberty, two things were made clear the strength of his 


racial vitality and the arrest of his intellectual development by disuse. 
Through all the history of his race he had been excluded from every 
influence which in the course of thousands of years had contributed 
to give the faculty of conscience of the white man mastery over his 
instincts. Every manifestation of the existence of such a faculty in 
the negro had been repressed with merciless severity. And now the 
modern conscience is confronted with the declaration, on the part of 
those who resist it, that in the negro no such faculty exists, and that 
in its absence he is organically disqualified from admission to the 
rivalry of life in competition with races of the Caucasian type on a 
footing of equality of opportunity. 

The reply of the modern conscience is an appeal to the experience 
of the brief period that has elapsed since the negro has ceased to be a 
slave, in the sense of being a chattel by legislative enactment. It is 
admitted that, when the French Revolution restored the rights of 
humanity to the white man and to the negro, both adopted the 
same methods of revenge. But the faculty of conscience latent 
by disuse revealed itself when the Government of the United 
States declared his liberation, in a manner to which Western civilisa- 
tion can hardly supply a parallel. When the Southern planters were 
fighting for the enslavement of the negro race, they went off to the 
war entrusting their wives and children to the protection of their 
slaves. Not an outrage occurred, scarcely a case of theft or breach of 
trust A thousand torches, it has been said, would have disbanded 
the Southern Army there was not one. Since the emancipation 
that followed the civil war the coloured population have devoted 
themselves to redeem the consequences of arrested development by 
methods expressed in the formula " being worked means degradation, 
working means civilisation." In the Tuskegee Industrial University 
they have established an institution which has sent out many 
thousands of graduates instructed in the application of scientific 
methods to every branch of human industry, while the authorities are 
able to declare that they cannot find a dozen not usefully employed, 
nor one ever convicted of crime. Animated by this spirit, in less than 
half a century the coloured population of some ten millions, starting 
from a depth of poverty and ignorance never perhaps reached in the 
history of any people, and encountering at every step the most 
formidable opposition that the forces of avarice, jealousy, hate, and fear 
have been able to command, have acquired ownership in land to the 
extent of some 30,000 square miles, more than the combined area of 
the States of Belgium and Holland, and moveable property estimated 
by hundreds of millions. At the same time they have achieved 
distinction not only in industry and commerce, but in the learned 
professions and in the free enterprises of art, literature, and journalism. 


These results are a remarkable proof of capacity of assimilation to 
social environment, as well as of capacity of competition on a footing 
of equality of opportunity. 

The whole area of British tropical colonies into which a negro 
population has been introduced by compulsory migration in conditions 
of servitude exhibits the same results. And these colonies supply 
data for a much more reliable estimate of the future possibilities of 
amalgamation by intermarriage than any supplied by the United 
States of America. They show the steady development of a process 
which is reducing the populations of pure European and pure 
African descent, and substituting for them a new type, analogous 
to the type produced in the tropical parts of Latin America by 
assimilation of the white and so-called red autochthonous races, 
and like that type remarkably endowed with the qualities that 
constitute a capacity for self-government in the conditions of its 

Turning, however, to the country of origin of the negro races 
in Africa, we find the modern conscience still engaged in a formid- 
able conflict with the ancient conscience and its policy. In 1842 the 
modern conscience declared itself in a Proclamation of Queen 
Victoria which gave a political constitution to Natal on the express 
condition that " there shall not be in the eye of the law any distinc- 
tion of persons or disqualification of colour, origin, language, or 
creed ; but the protection of the law in letter and in substance shall 
be extended to all alike." In 1858 the old conscience declared 
itself in the Grondwet (fundamental law) of the South African 
Republic, which asserted that " the people will suffer no equality of 
white and blacks either in State or in Church." In 1898 the British 
Empire went to war in defence of the modern conscience, and 
justified it at the cost of many lives and many millions of treasure. 
In 1908 the Imperial Parliament by the Union of South Africa Act 
abandoned it. 

This result has determined the condition of conflict between the 
ancient conscience and the modern in three areas of Africa. Within 
the Union of South Africa the methods of the old conscience are 
modified by the influence of the modern. This was made suffi- 
ciently clear in a statement by a leading representative of the 
Union. " The ideal of making South Africa a white man's country 
can only be accomplished by a general displacement of the natives 
through a large employment of whites. The whites must rule, but 
if the natives were educated and enfranchised, that would mean 
the replacement of the whites by natives." Outside of the Union, 
within the area of the Congo, the old conscience continued to 
assert its ascendancy by the old methods until it roused the modern 


conscience to revolt. The conflict is still being waged. Within 
the vast areas of equatorial Africa contained by the limits of the 
Crown Colonies, Dependencies and Protectorates, the modern con- 
science expressed in the terms of Queen Victoria's Proclamation 
of 1842 absolutely controls the policy of government and ad- 

Attention is at present directed to a race of the Oceanic division 
of the ^Ethiopic group, of which little account has hitherto been 
taken. The Papuans have proved the strength of their racial 
vitality in surviving the methods of a policy which has nearly 
exterminated allied branches of their race in Australia. With their 
racial vitality they have preserved the instincts of savagery in an un- 
written code, which does not recognise murder as a crime, but some- 
times as a duty, sometimes as a necessary part of social etiquette, 
occasionally as a manly form of relaxation and sport. The treatment 
of the Papuans under a judicial system administered in the spirit of 
the modern conscience is one of the most remarkable experiments of 
the century. 


In conclusion it is submitted that in the treatment of dependent 
peoples and communities the modern conscience rejects as a fallacy 
the claim of Western civilisation to a monopoly of the capacity of 
self-government based on an indivisible interrelation between 
European descent, Christianity, and the so-called white colour. It 
recognises that while this interrelation has evolved a capacity for 
self-government in an appropriate environment, a similar capacity 
has been evolved by an interrelation of other races, creeds and 
colours appropriate to other environments. It maintains, therefore, 
that the conflict between West and East must be adjusted on the 
same principle that has adjusted the conflicts of race and creed in the 
West, the principle of freedom interpreted as liberty of person and 
conscience and equality of opportunity for all, without distinction of 
race, creed, or colour, under a settled government. 

History, reason, and recent experience in Japan warn us that the 
adjustment must be made not in the spirit of the popular refrain, 
" East is East and West is West ", but in the spirit of a nobler poetic 


" God's is the Occident, 
God's is the Orient." 

This is the spirit of the modern conscience in the treatment of 
dependent peoples and communities. 

[Paper submitted in English.] 


Governor of Jamaica. 

EVERY nation having colonies or external dependencies acquires 
and holds them for the sake of benefits to its own citizens, whether 
as settlers, traders or investors of capital in those territories, and in 
so far as the sovereign nation orders the government of its colonies 
and dependencies, the dominant guiding factor in its policy will 
be the promotion of those ends. The policy of the Government 
in regard to native races is secondary and subsidiary. The ex- 
ceptions to this rule are extremely few and such as must be 
considered to have been in the nature of accidents in the history 
of colonisation. 

The methods of administration adopted vary, being prescribed 
by the special circumstances of the colony or dependency. Where 
this is practically a self-governing nation, as in the case of the 
greater colonies of the British Empire Canada, the Australian 
Commonwealth, and the Union of Africa the mother country 
scarcely exhibits any policy at all in regard to its government, 
beyond doing the best it can to prevent its own trade with and 
investments in that colony being placed at a disadvantage as com- 
pared with those of other nations. Where the colony or depen- 
dency is at the other end of the scale, and is the habitat of an 
uncivilised nation or aggregate of alien races, the government 
established and maintained by the sovereign nation is more posi- 
tive in its methods and more deliberately adjusted with regard to 
its effect on the lives and habits of the native people. 

In relation to such uncivilised colonies and dependencies, and in 
relation also to those civilised and self-governing colonies and 
dependencies in which there survives an uncivilised population of 
alien race, the methods of government are directed and influenced 
not merely by considerations of the commercial benefit of the 
colonists or citizens of the sovereign nation, but also by considerations 
of philanthropy and humanity, and to a certain extent by the 
influence of a missionary purpose aiming at imposing upon the 
uncivilised and alien native what is reputed within the sovereign 
nation to be a morality, a religion, and a social order superior to those 
which he has himself evolved. The desire to benefit and enlighten 
barbarous peoples has not, indeed, served as a sufficient incentive for 
the establishment of sovereignty over colonies or dependencies. The 


efficient cause is always economic interest or Imperial pride ; but as 
soon as these have brought about annexation or settlement other 
motives and influences, expressing the uncommercial will of the 
colonising nation, elements of the craving for the gratification of the 
reforming impulse and the compunction of the humanitarian con- 
science, come also into play. The history of the British conquest and 
the theory of British rule in India may be studied for illustration. 

Owing to the fact that the colonies and dependencies of the 
colonising nations form a graduated series, ranging from the prac- 
tically independent democratic community of civilised people to the 
uncivilised tract inhabited by barbarous tribes whose country is 
opened up and held merely for mining or the protection of trade 
routes, and as a means for the investment of capital, it is impossible 
to offer any generalisation that shall apply equally and accurately to 
the government of all colonies and dependencies in regard to the 
treatment of native races in those possessions. 

Moreover, between the self-governing colony and the African 
territory or protectorate there intervenes the case of older colonies, 
such as (among the British Dominions) the West Indies, Mauritius, 
and others in which there is no aboriginal race conducting its own 
life and its own customs, but a large population of alien race, and 
sometimes of various alien races, African or Asiatic, who have come 
there as slaves or labourers for hire, and who form a transplanted 
proletariat moulded into the economic and social forms of European 
civilisation and vastly outnumbering the small organising class of 
colonists whose race, religion, and industrial will is identical with 
those of the European mother country. 

Ins In the British Colonial Office List there are enumerated, out- 
side of the Australian Colonies and New Zealand (with whose 
native policy the mother country has long ceased to concern 
herself), some twenty colonies and dependencies peopled by native 
races not introduced as slaves or labourers, and maintaining in a 
greater or less degree the institutions of their own peculiar civilisa- 
tions. The relation between the governing race and the governed in 
these communities exhibits a most intricate variety, differing accord- 
ing to the periods at which they were settled, and the particular 
purposes and methods for which they were settled ; namely, whether 
for colonisation by planting settlers from the mother country, or for 
mining enterprise, or for commerce only, or with the aim of exclud- 
ing rival nations from monopolising a possible future market, or 
in order to suppress the raids and disorders of the savage tribes 
which occupy them upon the more settled districts adjoining ; or, 
as has occurred in a very few cases before the white man had lost 
his glamour, by the voluntary invitation or acceptance of the 


sovereignty of the annexing nation by the native peoples for their 
own protection and out of appreciation of its superior institution and 

Turning to the older group of slave-settled colonies, we again find 
in the British Colonial Office List nearly as many of these, all of 
which, to those familiar with them, present appreciable differences in 
the adjustment of their government to the circumstances offered by 
the existence in them of a black and coloured proletariat under the 
control of White Power. 

The most difficult and controversial questions in regard to the 
government of African or Asiatic races under European sovereignty 
may be said to have risen and to persist in the British Empire, 
notably in India and in the South African group of colonies. I 
cannot reasonably nor without immodesty attempt to deal with the 
case of India in this paper. It is probably in South Africa that there 
have been developed the greatest conflicts of opinion, as between the 
efficient class of colonists in those lands and the mother country in 
regard to the principle on which the native races should be dealt 
with. These controversies tend to be disposed of as the colonies 
increase in wealth, importance, and power by the elimination of the 
control, opinions, and influence of the mother country, so that in them 
the question of the government of native races tends to pass out of 
the sphere of the topic of this paper, which is that of the 
government of colonies and dependencies by a sovereign nation, 
and to become a domestic problem of government which might more 
accurately be styled the question of internal government in a com- 
munity of mixed races and semi-civilised nations. But in regard 
to the other large group of colonies, namely, the slave-settled colonies 
and the colonies which have not yet produced and established their 
own independent governments, some generalisation is possible as to 
the prevalent aims of the sovereign nation in government. It must 
suffice for me to attempt to review these principles as they appear in 
the government of British Colonies and Dependencies, with regard to 
which alone I can presume to speak with sufficient information. ; ;n 

In the slave-settled colonies, that is to say, the West Indian 
colonies, Mauritius, and the Seychelles, there survives practically no 
vestige of the social and judicial institutions or of the religious organi- 
sation of the transplanted alien race. The Law, the Courts, and the 
Churches are European. There is no distinction of persons before 
the Civil Law. The transplanted proletariat, mostly of African race 
or African descent, is regarded as being in semi-tutelage and as not 
fully qualified for the exercise of responsible self-government in 
democratic institutions. The ultimate guarantee for order in these 
communities rests with the mother country, and, with hardly any 


exception, legislative authority remains as a last resort under the 
control of the representative of that Power in the Executive Govern- 
ment. There are one or two apparent exceptions to this generalisa- 
tion in some of the older colonies that preserve their original 
constitutions ; but the exception is hardly a real one, because the 
government and control of these communities, although ostensibly 
democratic, really remains in the hands of the white section of the 
community or of those who have imbued themselves with the 
civilisation and ideals of the sovereign nation. 

The principle on which the government in relation to the less 
advanced race is based, is to aim at an education and evolution in 
European civilisation and political methods. This education is 
sought to be obtained by the maintenance of the common law of 
the mother country, guaranteed by a high standard of purity in 
the judicial administration, by the steady extension of provision for 
elementary and more advanced education, both literary and practical, 
and by the privilege and responsibility of the exercise of political 
franchise in the election of members of the legislative council and of 
municipal governing bodies. In the colonies controlled by the 
Government of the sovereign nation, as distinct from the self- 
governing colonies, no special civil disability is imposed in any respect 
upon the citizen of whatever race he may be ; all subjects have the 
same privileges and are under the same limitations. The limitations 
are exclusively political, and are based upon recognition and ex- 
perience of the imperfect political capacities of the transplanted race, 
retaining just such a measure of political power to the representative 
of the sovereign nation (as the embodiment of the spirit of the 
governing race) as is sufficient to maintain stability in the progres- 
sive social order ; and the explicit theory of all these communities is 
that such political limitations are provisional and are subject to 
relaxation in so far as the community progresses towards greater 
capacity for self-government. 

With regard to the other great division of colonies inhabited by 
native races, in reference to which it may be said that the mother 
country has a policy of governing such races, the aim of the modern 
method is markedly different. 

Most of these dependencies have been acquired and their govern- 
ment organised for the purpose of trade, and not with a view to the 
European colonists themselves becoming workers or employers of 
labour in agriculture. Nor has the colonising country imported or 
created the population, as it has in the older colonies. The colonists 
come there to preserve their economic interests in such manner as 
may involve them in the least possible complications with the natives. 
Where they live, as in seacoast settlements and towns, in close con- 


tact with the natives, they are bound for the sake of their own con- 
venience and health to interfere to a certain extent with the native 
customs and manners of life, and, for example, to establish municipal 
governments for sanitary purposes with more or less administrative 
control vested in the hands of the governing power. But beyond this 
there is less and less disposition to interfere with the native life and 
activity, and more and more to confine the energy of government to 
the departments of military and police protection, to the improve- 
ment of roads and other means of communication, and to the 
education of technical capacity. There is less and less tendency 
to regard the colonising country as being under any religious obliga- 
tion to interfere with polygamy, or other such native customs 
repugnant to British standards of civilisation and morality, and there 
is more and more a tendency to maintain and reinforce the authority 
of the local institutions of Government and Justice. 

Instead of introducing and proclaiming British law as paramount 
in these territories and compelling all the inhabitants to conform to 
that law and to sue for redress in its courts, the principle now 
generally approved and pursued is that, whilst there shall be a 
supreme court of British Justice with branches available to all 
Europeans and to such natives who choose to appeal to it, the natives, 
in matters concerning themselves and their fellows generally, shall 
retain the right to be tried by their own native courts, the administra- 
tion of justice in these courts being regulated and purified by the 
countenance and authority of the Supreme Government. Much is left 
to the chiefs, but the chief is under the guidance and control of a 
magistrate or commissioner representing the Government, whose duty 
it is to take care that the chief does not exceed his authority or oppress 
his tribesmen by an abuse of the processes of native law. The 
enormous territories controlled by Great Britain in West, East, and 
Central Africa are all of them now being governed more or less 
in accordance with these principles. 

The most important matter in regard to which the British 
Government actively interferes with the native economy is in 
regard to the institution of slavery, which it does not recognise 
and which it insists upon abolishing. But apart from this, it may 
be said that the principal aim of British government in these 
territories is to strengthen and stimulate the characteristic native 
life of the people, whilst at the same time creating in them a desire 
for commodities which can be produced by the mother country, 
and improving their efficiency in the growth and preparation of 
those products, such as oils, grains, cotton, and other commodities, 
which the colonising country desires as raw materials for its 
factories. These territories, not being suited to Europeans for 


personal settlement, will not, like some of the South African 
colonies, become homes for a large white population engaged in 
agriculture. The demand for native labour for direct employment 
at wages by such a class of white settlers the circumstance which 
has so profoundly affected the relations of the races in South 
Africa is not likely to arise in any marked degree in these 
territories, although it may possibly do so in some of those districts 
in East-Central Africa which are found useful for European coloni- 
sation. It is when the difficulties of labour supply become pressing 
that questions of land settlement and native privileges tend also 
to become urgent When these difficulties arise, the more easy- 
going, non-interventionist policy which is convenient for the wide 
territories of the later annexations and protectorates tends to 
become obsolete, and a more frankly self-interested policy is 
acknowledged and put into execution. 

As I have indicated, the problem then tends to pass from 
being that of the government by a sovereign European nation of 
dependencies peopled by other races in which phase the aim of 
government is simply, as a rule, to promote facilities of commerce 
which can best be effected by stimulating the vigour and self- 
conscious activity of the native community to being the problem 
of the internal government of a state in which both European 
and other races are fellow-citizens ; and when that phase is reached, 
the policy of government must necessarily become rather that of 
developing the existence of a state suitable for the social life 
of a civilised European community. In such circumstances we 
almost invariably see the same principles of government tending 
to be introduced as are established in the older slave-settled colonies, 
namely, a supersession of native institutions and customs accom- 
panied by a practical denial of equal political capacity in the non- 
European race, and the adoption of a policy of tutelage and 
education in regard to it before admitting it to complete political 
franchise. These safeguards against political incapacity in an 
ostensibly democratic State are provided by a considerable variety 
of expedients. 

Further, in such a community it is hardly possible to avoid 
the evolution of an industrial policy tending to impose the European 
standard of industry and energy upon the non-white population, 
because, whereas the requirements of an aboriginal population can 
be met without a large production of surplus value in industry, 
the requirements of a civilised state cannot be so met. The follow- 
ing illustration may suffice to indicate what I mean. The un- 
civilised native community will produce sufficient food, clothing, 
and housing to meet the requirements of its own social system, 


but when it is sought to provide it with clothes, boots, soap, 
churches, schools, police, law-courts, European medicine and 
surgery, and all those higher instruments of civilisation which 
require professional classes who must be highly paid in money 
and who do not form a native part of the general organisation 
which is producing the requirements of the merely nutritive life, 
surplus value must be produced by the proletariat, both for their 
own direct payments for those services and for the payment of 
taxes to the government which supplies them through its institu- 
tions. This necessity is the more marked because, whereas in the 
old civilised nations the classes who supply these utilities have 
been gradually evolved during centuries of national life, and the 
root system of their economic support has grown with the rest 
of the social organism in the attempt to force an educational 
development of native races up to the European standard in a 
mixed colony, they generally have to be introduced by the govern- 
ment, whether in response to the desires of the colonists themselves 
or to the demands of humanitarianism and philanthropic forces 
in the sovereign nation ; so that these communities are required 
to pass immediately from a system of no education to a system 
of state education, from a system of customary courts judged 
by the chiefs to a system of paid judges, lawyers, registrars, 
documents, processes, and stamps, from a system of witchcraft 
and simples in medicine to a government medical service with 
hospitals, nurses, surgical instruments, and the British pharmacopoeia. 
It is the same with all the institutions of the State which the 
European himself requires and which, in a mixed community, he 
either deems desirable or is impelled by philanthropy or religion 
to provide for the less advanced race. This community has not 
evolved an organic economic support for them because as a whole 
it has not learned to demand them. The State, or Government, 
is therefore called upon to provide these out of taxation. The 
sovereign nation may subsidise the dependency for a time by 
grants from its exchequer, but it soon wearies of this philanthropic 

For all these services, then, the produce of the country has 
to pay, and it cannot provide the means without either a greater 
intensification of individual labour, or the improvement of its pro- 
ductiveness by capitalist organisation, or the development of an 
export trade whereby to induce an influx of imports on which 
customs duties can be levied. So that it comes to pass that the 
more philanthropic and humanitarian is the spirit of the aims of 
the European in the government of these mixed communities, the 
more is it necessary in order to pursue those aims that an internal 


policy should be adopted which will stimulate the industry and 
increase the exploitation and taxation of the native labourer. This 
circumstance, quite as much as any individual greed on the part 
of the employers of labour, lies at the root of the policy of self- 
governing colonies with mixed communities with regard to land 
and industry. If the native populations are to be civilised, they 
must produce enough to maintain the institutions of civilisation. 
It is a very difficult thing for the Government of any tropical 
colony to raise by internal tribute (direct taxation) enough means 
to provide for the maintenance of the institutions which its civilised 
aims demand ; hence the constant tendency to endeavour to 
stimulate trade so that its revenue may be raised indirectly by 
taxes on that trade, which taxes the native does not feel as 
onerous and can hardly attempt to evade. Direct taxation in any 
form he detests, and evades if possible by the most extravagant 

The difficulty is less strongly felt in those older slave-settled 
colonies to which I have referred than it is in the newer colonies 
of mixed races that are developing their own government ; because 
those older colonies were built up as trading colonies specially 
supplying tropical produce to the mother country, and their popu- 
lation was imported to produce staples for export, so that in the 
time of their greater prosperity they were able out of the profits 
of that trade to establish to a considerable extent the institutions 
of civilised communities demanded by their European settlers, 
and, as a matter of fact, the employing class has retained under 
its control the greater part of the land from which internal revenue 
can be raised. In the invitation which was addressed to me to 
write this short paper, I was asked to offer suggestions of how 
dependencies of mixed races should be governed. I fear that the 
expression of any general opinion of this kind would, in view of the 
great diversity of the circumstances of these communities of which 
I have given some indication, be a very futile attempt. And my 
postulate of what is desirable would doubtless appear individual 
and arbitrary. Every colony has its own opinion on such points, 
and its opinion may differ from that of the sovereign nation. 

Such dependencies can only be governed as Europeans would 
like to see them governed when the native races that inhabit them 
have become what Europeans would like to see them be and what 
they are not now. And that is the whole difficulty of the situation 
for those who are practically engaged in the problems of colonial 

I have personally a very strong opinion that whatever may 
be the case with Asiatics, African peoples generally are not at 


all suited by temperament or talent for that kind of industrial 
position as wage-workers under capital into which the proletariats 
of industrial European countries have come, nor does it appear 
to me at all desirable that they should, if they can avoid it, pass 
into that position or acquire in all respects the characteristics of 
the European wage-worker ; but under present circumstances it 
appears that their powers of production cannot be quickly increased 
except under organised education by employers of the advanced 
or industrial race. 

Outside of this, the only method for assisting them to maintain 
those services which they are being more and more taught to 
require, is a very considerable personal education in agricultural 
and technical skill. But this education can only be obtained by 
an industry and application upon their part which it is very difficult 
to induce them voluntarily to undertake. Under the European 
apprenticeship system, craftsmen learned their trades as youths 
under the very severe dominion of a skilled master who controlled 
and, if necessary, beat them. I do not know of any means except 
compulsion of this sort or stress of want to induce the steady 
industry that is required for thoroughly learning a trade in com- 
petition with the great counter-attractions of indolence and sen- 
suality that are continually pressing upon the youth of all tropical 

The European wage-worker is not so free as the tropical native ; 
but he is competent because he is trained and disciplined. Unless 
the natives of tropical countries will voluntarily undergo industrial 
training and discipline, the requirements of a civilised state cannot 
be maintained among them except by such pressure of industrial 
necessity as has been evolved in civilised European countries, or 
by forced labour imposed by the State. Wherever the native has 
unrestricted access to land, and is in other respects free from 
economic compulsion, all that a progressive government imposed 
from without can do is to offer him and coax him to take advantage 
of the opportunities of agricultural and technical education, and 
strive by every possible means to stimulate and train his intelligence 
to perceive their advantages. 

This is, in fact, the principal aim of modern progressive states- 
manship in all colonies and dependencies inhabited by a mixture 
of races. Whether the social, industrial, and religious ideals of 
those nations that are pursuing this aim are really destined to 
prove suitable to the best development of the races to whose 
moulding they are being applied, the future alone can disclose. 
[Paper submitted in English."] 



By ALFRED CALDECOTT, D.D. (Cambridge}, D.Litt. (London}, 
Professor of Moral Philosophy, King's College, University of London. 

IN another paper Professor Rhys Davids is considering the influence 
of Religion generally as a consolidating and separating influence: 
my task is to call attention to some features of Religious Missionary 
enterprise in this respect. 

For a Religion to be propagandist the first condition is that it 
must believe in the fundamental unity of mankind. A Religion 
which admits raciality as an article of its creed confines itself within 
the limits of the specified race. In some Religions raciality is, even 
if not manifest on the surface, at least so strong an undercurrent 
that they have no propagandist force : of living Religions I take it 
that this is the case at present with Judaism, which maintains no 
propaganda but for any expansion trusts simply to diffusion by 
contact. Hinduism contains many forms so much localised as to 
be untransferable, and even the fundamental tenets of Brahmanism 
are so bound up with raciality that the diffusion which is actually 
in process does not look beyond the boundaries of the Indian 
peninsula. In China the triplex system established by the State is 
not conceived as transferable either as a whole or in its parts, and a 
parallel statement is true of Japan. Expansion movement in 
Religions has been for some time past, and is at the present 
moment, limited to Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity. 

Buddhism in its fundamentals is free from racial limitations, and 
its history has shown diffusion from race to race on a large scale. 
Islam though closely associated with its Founder and his race at 
once went forth with open invitation, and though never successful 
in Europe had great successes elsewhere, and in Africa it is expand- 
ing its range before our eyes. Christianity was in the first gene- 
ration seen to be universalistic, and though its dominance was 
transferred from Asia into Europe, and later on it had to retreat 
before Islam in West Asia and North Africa, it felt this as a 
reproach, and in the Crusades made a protest, futile though it proved 
to be. At the reopening of Asia after 1492 and the discovery of 
the New World, Christianity resumed its world-wide prospect. 

I suggest, therefore, that at a gathering of the Races of the world 
we do well to note that the three propagandist Religions are now 
definitely and explicitly dissociated from race-privileges, and to 
proceed to hope that those religions which are still closely attached 
to race-limitations will, when brought into mutual conference, be 
affected by the sentiment of unity, and consider seriously for them- 


selves the possibility of a new valuation of their separative 
features, inu 

Of the multitudinous forms of religion among the races of lower 
culture the connection with raciality in its minute subdivisions has 
been too close to permit of their dissociation, and the notion of 
propaganda does not come into sight. 

A. (a) In studying Religious propaganda I can only select some 
principal features : I will take first, The Association with Political 
Dominion. A religion may be so deeply ingrained in a Political 
system that wherever that polity is extended that religion is 
carried with it without a moment of questioning on the part either 
of the Nation which is extending or of the people who are sub- 
jugated, whether these latter accept the religion of the conquerors 
or not. Spanish and Portuguese America entered at once formally 
into Christendom in the sixteenth century as clearly as North 
Africa passed within Islam under the Arabs and Moors in the 
seventh and eighth ; the French colonists carried their Church into 
Canada as the Moslem invaders carried theirs to Delhi. But in 
different situations very different degrees of success attended the 
endeavours to bring the Native populations effectively within the 
newly presented religions. The simple expectations of the first 
days of conquest soon faded before aboriginal inability or un* 
willingness to accept a change, and both in the New World and the 
Old very limited success and very nominal kinds of " conversion " 
were accepted as time went on. Within the empire of Britain the 
religious dissensions at home gave rise to a great variety of policy 
in the Colonies and Plantations. The New England colonies 
established their own forms of Protestant Christianity ; Virginia 
and the West Indian colonies established the Church of England as 
at home ; and some colonies were on a toleration basis, notably Penn- 
sylvania, founded by the Society of Friends. Official attention to the 
Red Indians soon ceased, and indeed was replaced over large areas 
by a long period of hostilities : but some voluntary missionary 
efforts were put forth, though not in any considerable volume. In 
the Southern States and in the West Indies the singular transplan- 
tation of large numbers of Negroes brought them within Christen- 
dom nominally only, as their civil status was so widely felt to be 
inconsistent with Christian rights that their admission was either 
ignored or positively refused for many years, although in the end 
the result has been the enrolment of not less than ten millions of 
people of West African descent more or less completely within the 
Christian churches. In India the character of the entry of British 
dominion was affected by its being the affair of a commercial 
Company, and religious propaganda was wholly separated from it. 


In Australia the peculiar circumstances of the early colonisation 
and the total inability to appreciate what strains of promise there 
might be in the unquestionably low-grade Aborigines, left these in 
worse than neglect for many years ; in New Zealand the more 
enlightened type of colonisation and the superior quality of the 
Maoris led to a close alliance of State action with Mission work, as 
illustrated by the memorable co-operation of Governor Grey and 
Bishop Selwyn. The extension of the Greek Church has been for 
a long time limited to the expansion of Russian dominion, which it 
accompanies as a matter of course in name, though in Central 
Asia Islam has not been officially superseded. 

The extension of Islam has always included some conception of 
the extension of Dominion on the part of the successors of 
Mohammed in the Caliphate, but powerful sovereigns have arisen 
with not even nominal allegiance in a secular sense, near the centre, 
as Persia, and remote, as Morocco. But recent political changes 
have been so sweeping that it is estimated by good authority that 
of some 230 millions of Moslems 170 millions live under Christian 
rule or protection, and 30 millions under other non-Mohammedan 
rule, leaving only 30 millions under Moslem political jurisdiction. 

A. (b) The Complete Separation of Religious Propaganda from Ex- 
tension of Dominion. This separation has always marked Buddhism. 
As it spread from India to Tibet, Siam, China, and Japan, it moved 
as a purely religious change effected by individual monks, teachers, 
and pilgrims ; and even in India its diffusion in the times of its 
success was not by political means. 

In Islam, as seen above, the political aspect has faded as expan- 
sion extended to remote regions : it has flowed onward as a religious 
system, and the deference paid to the Successor of Mohammed and 
the Sheik-ul-Islam now takes the form of a spiritual allegiance, 
though doubtless in many minds the old association lingers and 
might again assert itself. At present the extension over Africa 
is by individual missionaries and traders, and carries with it no 
claim for political allegiance. 

For Christianity even in the days of the close association of the 
Roman Catholic Church with the States a non-political character 
was recognised when Roman Catholic missions were sent to China 
and Japan with no thought of interference with the political status 
of those countries. In the Protestant churches there soon arose a 
desire to extend Christianity by private enterprise, and missionary 
societies of a purely voluntary kind were formed. Beginning at first 
with the Natives of Colonies and dependencies as principal concern 
(eg., the New England Company of Cromwell and the Gospel 
Propagation Society of Queen Anne) the close of the eighteenth 


century saw the institution in Great Britain of several Societies 
which took the whole world into view. Similar Societies were 
formed in Germany, Switzerland, and the United States which 
were necessarily wholly devoid of political intention as they 
dealt entirely with the peoples of lands outside the domains of 
the people who supported them. 

Whilst some of the Missionary Societies undertook the task 
of presenting Christianity to the civilised nations, India, China, 
Japan, with some endeavours in the lands under Islam also, it 
is not surprising that the greatest mass of effective work was 
found to be possible among the peoples of lower culture and 
of primitive forms of religion. In South and West Africa, Mada- 
gascar, and the Pacific Islands the romance of Missions, both Protes- 
tant and Roman Catholic, presents a chapter of permanent interest 
in the religious history of mankind, remarkable alike in the heroism 
of the messengers and in the degree of acceptance of the message. 
In this non-political work the Greek Church has shared by means 
of the Russian missions to China and Japan. 

What I think this gathering of representatives of the different 
Races is concerned to note is that in the propaganda of religion 
every one now agrees that it must be by absolutely voluntary 
effort : that by Churches, Societies, or individuals, but not by 
Governments, religions may be proclaimed all over the world. 
Two principles may well be asked for : 

That no Government shall disturb the political situation 
by including in its programme the propagation of its own 
religion, as distinguished from its maintenance ; 

That no Government shall refuse to its subjects freedom to 
hear religious messages, or prevent them from accepting them 
if they so desire. 

These principles express a right which may be generally ac- 
cepted as lying at the root of the unification of mankind. And 
we may find ourselves able to consider together what cases there 
may still be in which these principles are obstructed. I should be 
extremely sorry to introduce any cause of offence, and perhaps 
should not offer any particular cases : but one may hope that in 
an atmosphere of mutual respect the representatives of these 
peoples may not be unwilling to state their views and to take counsel 
with the general assemblage. I would specify the following : the need 
for allowing freedom for religious missions in Spain and Russia within 
Christendom ; in Turkey and in Persia ; and in French Colonies 
Government neutrality as in the French Congo rather than 
the adverse attitude even to long-established missions which 



has marked a considerable period of the regime in Madagascar. 
In some countries it is the missionaries who need the protec- 
tion of the Government, in others it is the religious liberties 
of the people which are restricted, if not nominally, in fact. 
Of course, the opposition of the people themselves must be allowed 
for, and judiciously treated, e.g., in Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, and 
Morocco, where resentment and alarm enter into the popular mind. 
But when the people are not unwilling, Governments may be asked 
not to interfere, and even where th